The Hindu Subhas

This article has been co-authored by Saswati Sarkar, Shanmukh, Dikgaj, Kirtivardhan Dave, and Atri Sanyal

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A “Hindu leader’’ is a disturbingly inaccurate phrase, even if seemingly innocuous. The definition of a “Hindu” has long been contested and replacing it with “Sanatani” does not really solve the issues in that contest, in some sense making it even more contested. The problems arise in the multiplicity in contests over the characterization of the either the “Hindu” or the “Sanatani”. However, we feel that for analytical purposes, we can postpone the thorny debate on defining the Hindu on a spectrum of philosophical, doctrine, belief, as well as material conditions and culture. Instead, we rather use the “Hindu” as a distinct community of self-affirming “Hindus”, who may or may not agree on all points of theology or culture.

Some will say that those helping out an invader with explicit agenda of destruction of what it deems as “Hindu”,  in ways that adds to the resources of that invader to do what it wants to do – culturally, militarily, economically, in promoting its own religious infrastructure, may still remain “Hindu” if after helping out the invader, the “helper” builds temples, publicly and privately observes approved rituals, feeds the poor or does a lot of charity. Alternatively, that the “helper ” at least protected his own “Hindu” clan and territory, even if helping the invader persecute other Hindus.

Others may say that someone fails to remain a Hindu if they have ever used words from an invader’s language or shown to have adopted tactical alliances with the invader or tried to retain non-Hindus in their movements, organizations, or armies. This often comes with exception clauses.

Typically, the “failure” criteria are applied non-uniformly with extreme prejudice – with blatant absolution given even to those that gave their daughters to the “divine khedive’s” of the invader or added forces to campaigns against other Hindus resisting the invader.

We propose that a “leader of the Hindu” is one who in his lifetime as manifested by his actions or positions within contests over issues, strives to protect the Hindu society in its entirety in all its aspects, ensuring its physical security, cultural freedoms, economic wellbeing – not just for a minority of its members, restricted by some convenient identity marker such as region, sect, clan, language, ethnicity but for all comprising the “Hindu”. The word protection is used here to also include the case where the protection is extended to interests of a wider identity containing the Hindu within it, but in such a way that it does not recognize or facilitate or empower forces that seek to harm, dilute, or take away the physical security, cultural freedoms, economic wellbeing of the Hindu. The fountainhead of his inspiration as described both in his public and private positions has also to be rooted in Hindu civilization, Hindu scriptures, Hindu spirituality and Hindu history, primarily if not exclusively. 

It is from this framework that we explore and analyse Subhas Chandra Bose’s positions on issues, his thought process, ideas and sources of his inspirations, his religious and spiritual engagements and commitments, and actions relevant to answer the question: was Bose a “leader of the Hindu”?  

It is well-known that Bose’s one abiding passion has been his Indian nationalism. His biographer, Leonard Gordon has observed that the essence of his Indian nationalism was his Hinduism: “Subhas issued no public statements on religion, but his Hinduism was an essential part of his Indianness’’, p. 263, [18]. We document through Bose’s writings how central Hindu religiosity was to his nationalism – which is invariably the case for manifestations of Indic nationalism in every individual of note. We start with some examples illustrating the same in the introduction:

• On 26.12.1925, from Mandalay jail, Bose wrote to his sister-in-law, Bivabati Bose: “ In Durga, we see Mother, Motherland and the Universe all in one. She is at once Mother, Motherland and the Universal spirit.’’, p.170, [2].
• On 16 February, 1926, he wrote to the Chief Secretary to the Govt. of Burma from Mandalay jail in Burma, “ To us orientals, religion is neither a social convention nor an intellectual luxury nor a holiday recreation. It is life itself. Religion is woven into the very texture of our daily and social life and it permeates our whole being-individual and national…The pages of Indian history teem with the undying examples of martyrs who suffered and died for the sake of their religious beliefs. They died so that India may live. And in spite of our misery and degradation, India still lives. She lives because her soul is immortal – her soul is immortal because she believes in religion. We have lost much. Political freedom is no more. Economic independence is a thing of the past – even our national culture is being daily undermined by the subtle policy of peaceful penetration. But we still have our religion. We still claim the right to worship our God after the fashion of our glorious ancestors, and we shall sooner cease to exist than succumb to the religious domination of the West. ……From the ashes of the dead past India is again rising phoenix-like to take her place among the free nations of the world, so that she may deliver her message, the message of the spirit, and thereby fulfill her mission on earth. India lives today because she still has a mission unfulfilled. For no other reason has she survived the onslaughts of time. Civilizations have risen and fallen, empires have grown and have melted away into thin air; Babylon and Nineveh, Carthage and Greece have crumbled into dust. But Indian culture is as potent a factor today as it was thousands of years ago when some of the foremost nations of the modern world were no better than savages. pp. 221-226, [2].
• On 9.5.1926, he wrote in his prison notebook , “ If Hinduism is preached in Europe or America then they might change their views about the Hindus – Indian philosophy might influence Western philosophy- and the glory and prestige of Indians might go up. …If two hundred lakhs of Africans embrace Hinduism then undoubtedly the influence of the Hindus and of India will be quite powerful in Africa. If India wants to be a world power then the preaching of Hinduism will facilitate the process.’’ pp. 8-9, [4].

Subhas Chandra Bose’s Hindu religiosity had a distinct Bengali flavour.The Hindu philosophers who ushered in Bengal renaissance had a lasting impact on him.  Using his own writings, we describe the influence of Swami Vivekananda on him (Section A). Aurobindo Ghose had a strong influence on him during his formative years, though his admiration of Ghose was somewhat tempered later owing to the latter’s abdication of political responsibilities (Section B). We subsequently describe the various Hindu philosophical explorations of Subhas Chandra Bose (Section C). We next describe his lived religiosity – that of a distinct Bengali flavour – through his speeches, letters,  public statements and positions (Section D). Many of his public positions, resistance movements and protestations have been driven by this lived religiosity. We finally describe miscellaneous Hindu thoughts articulated in his letters and speeches (Section E). In this final section, we also describe how he objected to Christian Missionary propaganda against Hindus, deceptive practices of frauds assuming Hindu monastic garbs and his insistence that Hindu Mahasabha be representative of Hindus of all provinces.

Section A: The lasting influence of Swami Vivekananda on Subhas Chandra Bose

Subhas Chandra Bose was a product of the Bengali renaissance of the nineteenth century, which was entirely Hindu in character. Swami Vivekananda and his Guru, Sri Ramkrishna Paramhansa, were the most durable spiritual influence on him. We quote from his letters to his childhood friend Hemanta Kumar Sarkar:

• On 19.6.1914, at the age of seventeen, he describes a conversation he had with his father after returning from the pilgrimage he undertook that summer, “I said that Vivekananda’s ideal was my ideal” pp. 158-159, [1].
• On 3.10.1914, at the age of seventeen, he wrote “A vision rises before my eyes. It is the Kali temple at Dakshineshwar. In front of me I see Kali the Mother, sabre in hand, a picture of happiness- poised on the seat of Shiva, with lotuses all around her. Facing her is a boy – more childlike than his age – sobbing and appealing to somebody in his yet distinct words : ‘O Mother, accept my offering, what is good as well as what is bad, what is sinful as well as what is virtuous’. The fierce and fiery Mother is not satisfied so easily – She wants to devour everything, so She must have the good as well as the bad, the virtues as well as the vices. The boy must give up everything. He cannot have peace otherwise and the Mother will not let him go. It is most painful. Mother must have everything. She is not satisfied at all. So he is weeping and repeating, “Take all, Mother, take all’. Gradually, the flow of tears stopped, – his cheeks and breasts dried up-peace came back to his heart. His heart was now empty – no trace of the great pain was left – and everything became peaceful. His heart was all sweetness now and he rose. He had nothing to call his own any more – he had given everything away. The boy is Ramakrishna ‘’ pp. 161-162, [1].
• On 8.12.1915, he wrote , “I do not know why since my childhood I have always had the deepest respect for two persons – Jagadish Chandra and Vivekananda. I had been attracted to them by the pictures I saw of them and ever since I came to know something of them from other people” p. 180, [1].
• On 23.3.1920, he wrote from England, “Swami Vivekananda used to say that India’s progress will be achieved only by the peasant, the washerman, the cobbler and the sweeper. These words are very true. The Western World has demonstrated what the ‘power of the people’ can accomplish. The brightest example of this is, – the first socialist republic in the world, that is, Russia. If India will ever rise again – that will come through that power of the people. In all the countries of the modern world which have made progress, the same ‘power of the people’ has come into its own. Swami Vivekananda has said in his Bartaman Bharat that the dominance of the three castes, Brahmana, Kshatriya and Vaishya is a thing of the past. Among the Western peoples, the Vaishya caste is made up of – Capitalists and Industrialists, – their days are numbered. The Sudras or the untouchable caste of India constitute the Labour Party. So long these people have only suffered. Their strength and their sacrifice will bring about India’s progress. That is why we now need mass education and labour organization” p. 206, [1]. There was therefore a sense of equity innate to his Hindu religiosity, which is also typical of the ambience in Bengal.

In 1926, from Mandalay jail he recommended a reading list to Haricharan Bagchi, which included the letters and the speeches of Swami Vivekananda, and the Guru of Swami Vivekananda, Ramakrishna Paramhansa, “Shri Shri Ramakrishna Kathamrita”. He suggested that Haricharan defer other books by Swami Vivekananda, particularly his “Philosophy of Religion”, “Jnanayoga”, until after he has read the letters and speeches p. 141, [3]. He did send the expansive list in a subsequent letter from Mandalay, which included the following books by Swami Vivekananda, “Patraboli’’ (পত্রাবলী , collection of letters), “Baktritaboli’’ (বক্তৃতাবলী, collection of speeches), “Bhabbar Katha’’ (ভাববার কথা, food for thought), “Prachya O Paschatya’’ (প্রাচ্য ও পাশ্চাত্য, East and West), “Chicago Baktrita’’ (শিকাগো বক্তৃতা, Chicago speech) and the following other books on religion:

(1) “Bharater Sadhana’’ (ভারতের সাধনা, worship in India)- Swami Prajnananda, (2) “Brahamacharya’’ – Surendra Bhattacharya, Ditto – Ramesh Chakraborty, Ditto – Fakir Dey (3) “Swami-Shishya Sanbad (স্বামী-শিষ্য সংবাদ) – Sarat Chakraborty p. 143, [3].

In his unfinished memoirs, “Indian Pilgrim’’, Subhas Chandra Bose has described how he devoured the teachings of Swami Vivekananda and his Guru, Sri Ramkrishna Paramhansa, from his early youth:

• “One day by sheer accident I stumbled upon what turned out to be my greatest help in this crisis. A relative of mine, who was a new-comer to the town, was living next door and I had to visit him. Glancing over his books, I came across the works of Swami Vivekananda. I had hardly turned over a few pages when I realized that here was something which I had been longing for. I borrowed the books from him, brought them home, and devoured them. I was thrilled to the marrow of my bones. My headmaster had roused my ascetic and moral sense – had given a new impetus to my life – but he has not given me an ideal to which I could give my whole being. That Vivekananda gave me’’ pp. 36-37, [1].
• “For days, weeks, months I poured over his [Vivekananda’s] works. His letters as well as his speeches from Colombo to Almora, replete as they were with practical advice to his countrymen, inspired me most. From this study I emerged with a vivid idea of the essence of his teachings. ‘Atmano Mokshartham Jagaddhitaya’ (আত্মান মোক্ষার্থম জগদ্ধিতায়) – for you own salvation and for the service of humanity – that was to be life’s goal. Neither the selfish monasticism of the middle ages, nor the modern utilitarianism of Bentham and Mill, could be a perfect ideal. And the service of humanity included, of course, the service of one’s country – for, as his biographer and his chief disciple, Sister Nivedita, pointed out (See her book, The Master as I saw him), ‘The queen of his adoration was his motherland. There was not a cry within her shores that did not find in him a responsive echo’. The Swami himself in one of his passionate utterances had said, ‘Say brothers at the top of your voice – the naked Indian, the illiterate Indian, the Brahman Indian, the Pariah Indian is my brother.’ Talking of the future, he had remarked that the Brahman (religious caste), the Kshatriya (warrior caste) and the Vaisya (trader caste) each had had their day and now came the turn of the Sudras, the down-trodden masses. To the ancient scriptures he had given a modern interpretation. Strength, strength, is what the Upanishads say, he had often declared ; have faith (shraddha, শ্রদ্ধা) in yourselves as Nachiketa (নচিকেতা ) of old had. To some idle monks he had turned round and said, ‘Salvation will come through football and not through the Gita’ ‘’ pp. 37-38, [1].
• “I was barely fifteen when Vivekananda entered my life. Then there followed a revolution within and everything was turned upside down. It was, of course, a long time before I could appreciate the full significance of his teachings or the greatness of his personality, but certain impressions were stamped indelibly on my mind from the outset. Both from his portraits as well as from his teachings, Vivekananda appeared before me as a full-blown personality. Many of the questions which vaguely stirred my mind, and of which I was to become conscious later on, found in him a satisfactory solution. …I had previously thought of studying philosophy as he had done and of emulating him. Now I thought of the path which Vivekananda had indicated ‘’ p. 38, [1].
• “From Vivekananda I turned gradually to his master, Ramakrishna Paramahansa. Vivekananda had made speeches, written letters, and published books which were available to the layman. But Ramakrishna, who was almost an illiterate man, had done nothing of the kind. He had lived his life and had left it to others to explain it. Nevertheless, there were books or diaries published by his disciples which gave the essence of his teachings as learnt from conversations with him. The most valuable element in these books was his practical direction regarding character-building in general and spiritual uplift in particular. He would repeat unceasingly that only through renunciation was realization possible – that without complete self-abnegation spiritual development was impossible to acquire. There was nothing new in his teaching, which is as old as Indian civilization itself, the Upanishads having taught thousands of years ago that through abandonment of worldly desires alone can immortal life be attained. The effectiveness of Ramakrishna’s appeal lay, however, in the fact that he had practiced what he preached and that, according to his disciples, he had reached the acme of spiritual progress…. The burden of Ramakrishna’s precepts was – renounce lust and gold. This two-fold renunciation was for him the test of a man’s fitness for spiritual life. The complete conquest of lust involved the sublimation of the sex-instinct, whereby to a man every woman would appear as mother ‘’ pp. 38-39, [1].
• “I was soon able to get together a group of friends (besides my relative S.C.M.) who became interested in Ramakrishna and Vivekananda. At school and outside, whenever we had a chance, we would talk of nothing else but this topic. Gradually we took to long walks and excursions which would give us greater opportunities for meeting and discussion. Our numbers began to swell and we had a welcome acquisition in a young student with a spiritual bent of mind who could sing devotional songs with deep fervour ‘’ p. 39, [1].
• “It would be a mistake to conclude that my conception of a religious life was restricted to the practice of individualistic Yoga. Though for some time I went crazy over Yogic exercise, it slowly dawned on me that for spiritual development social service was necessary. The idea came probably from Vivekananda for, as I have indicated above, he had preached the ideal of the service of humanity which included the service of one’s country. But he had further enjoined on everyone to serve the poor, for according to him God often comes to us in the form of the poor and to serve the poor is to worship God. I remember that I became very liberal with beggars, fakirs, and Sadhus, and whenever any of them appeared before our house, I helped them with whatever came within my reach. I derived a peculiar satisfaction from the act of giving ‘’ p. 44, [1].
• “The philosophy which I found in Vivekananda and in Ramakrishna came nearest to meeting my requirements and offered a basis on which to reconstruct my moral and practical life. It equipped me with certain principles with which to determine my conduct or line of action whenever any problem or crisis arose before my eyes ‘’ p. 54, [1].

• “The mental background- the life of instinct and impulse – out of which sex-desire arises has to be transformed. When this is achieved, a man or woman loses all sex-appeal and becomes impervious to the sex-appeal of others ; he transcends sex altogether. But is it possible or is it only mid-summer madness ? According to Ramakrishna it is possible, and until one attains this level of chastity, the highest reaches of spiritual consciousness remains inaccessible to him. Ramakrishna, we are told, was often put to the test by people who doubted his spirituality and mental purity, but on every occasion that he was thrown in the midst of attractive women, his reactions were non-sexual. In the company of women, he could feel as an innocent child feels in the presence of its mother. Ramakrishna used always to say that gold and sex are the two greatest obstacles in the path of spiritual development and I took his words as gospel truth….Though I gradually made progress, the degree of purity which Ramakrishna had insisted on, seemed impossible to reach. ….Purity and continence in boyhood and in youth are of course necessary, but what Ramakrishna and Vivekananda demanded was much more than that, nothing less than complete transcending of sex-consciousness ‘’ pp. 55-56, [1].
• “At that time [in 1914] Shankaracharya’s doctrine represented to me the quintessence of Hindu philosophy- though I could not adapt my life to it and found the teaching of Ramakrishna and Vivekananda to be more practical – and I did not relish hearing Shankaracharya assailed by anyone ‘’ pp. 70-71, [1].
• “there was (in the Presidency College) a group similar to ours consisting of earnest boys who considered themselves the spiritual heirs of Ramakrishna and Vivekananda…For the first two years of my College life I was greatly under the influence of the group referred to above and I developed intellectually during this period. The group consisted mainly of students, the leaders being two students of the Medical College. It followed generally the teachings of Ramakrishna and Vivekananda but emphasized service as a means to spiritual development. It interpreted social service not in terms of building hospitals and charitable dispensaries, as the followers of Vivekananda were inclined to do, but as national reconstruction mainly in the educational sphere (Possibly the example of Christian Missionaries had some influence). Vivekananda’s teachings had been neglected by his own followers- by the Ramakrishna Mission which he had founded – and we were going to give effect to them. We could therefore be called the neo-Vivekananda group, and our main object was to bring about a synthesis between religion and nationalism, not merely in the theoretical sphere but in practical life as well. The emphasis on nationalism was inevitable in the political atmosphere of Calcutta of those days ‘’ p. 58, [1].
• “What day is the nature of this Spirit which is reality? One is reminded of the parable of Ramakrishna about a number of  blind man trying to describe an elephant – each giving a description in accordance with the organ he touched and therefore violently disagreeing with the rest ‘’ p. 122, [1].

He continued to remain ecstatic about Swami Vivekananda in his public speeches and subsequent letters to friends, family and acquaintances:

• On 24.12.1925, from Mandalay jail, he referred to a saying by Swami Vivekananda in a letter to his Odiya friend Gopabandhu Das, “ jato uccho tomar hriday, tato dukkho janio nischoi” (যত উচ্চ তোমার হৃদয়, তত দুঃখ জানিও নিশ্চয় ) in Bangla, which translates to the larger one’s heart is, greater is his suffering p. 177, [2].
• On 30 March 1929, he spoke at the Presidential Address at the Rangpur Political Conference, “It was Swami Vivekananda who gave a new turn to the history of Bengal. As he repeatedly said, man-making was his mission in his life. In the work of man-making, Swami Vivekananda did not confine his attention to any particular sect but embraced the whole of society. His fiery words – “Let a new India emerge through the workshop and from the huts and bazaars” – are still ringing in every Bengali home.’’ p. 2, [5].
• On 22 July 1929, he spoke at the Hooghly District Student’s Conference in Chinsurah, “ The ideal that used to enthuse the student community of Bengal, say, fifteen years ago, was the ideal of Swami Vivekananda. Under the hypnotic spell of that glorious ideal, the Bengalee youth went in with grim determination for a life of purity and spiritual powers freed from all taint of selfishness and shabbiness. At the root of the construction of the society and the nation lies the unfoldment of individuality. That is why Swami Vivekananda was never tired of repeating that “man-making” was his mission. When a new era was ushered in our country before the age of Vivekananda, Raja Ram Mohan Roy was our guide. From the age of Ram Mohan onwards the desire for freedom in India has been manifesting itself through all sorts of movements, and when in the last decade of the nineteenth century and the first of the twentieth, the soul-stirring message of Swami Vivekananda-“Freedom, freedom is the song of the soul”, – burst the locked gates of the Swadeshi’s heart and came forth in a flood of irresistible might, the whole country caught it up and nearly went mad. It was Swami Vivekananda who had on the one hand, boldly asked his fellowmen to shed all sorts of fetters and be ‘men’ in the truest sense of the term ; and, on the other hand, laid the foundation of true nationalism in India by preaching the essential unity of all religions and sects. But the image of freedom, whole and entire that we come across in Vivekananda, had not yet been reflected in the realm of politics in his age.’’ p. 11, [5].
• On 2.3.1933, before leaving for Europe, from his ship S. S. Gange, he sent a parting message to Bengalis, “For over a year I have been exiled from my own province. During this period owing to unhealthy conditions of confinement my health completely broke down. As my condition worsened, I was shifted from one province to another – but I was deliberately kept away from the hospitals and the physicians who were so anxious to take charge of my treatment. Even the prisons of Bengal, so hospitable to thousands of my countrymen- shut their doors on me. To my physical suffering was added mental torture. During my incarceration outside Bengal, I watched with a sense of increasing pain and helplessness the repression that was prevailing in the province. All that I could do in the circumstances was to silently pray in the seclusion of my cell that the Divine Mother may grant strength to our people and that a new Bengal may be born. Torn away from the realities of life, through

• those lung and dark hours I sought refuge in contemplation. The vision of India conjured up and worshipped by our great seers from Bankim and Vivekananda to Dwijendralal and Deshbandhu – rose before my mind’s eye to give me solace, strength and inspiration. I felt – as I had never felt before that the vision of “Bharatmata” as she was destined to be – was the supreme Reality which transcended the shortcomings and imperfections of the present hour. That vision was a treasure of which no earthly power could deprive me – it was a shrine at which I worshipped from day to day.’’ pp. 262-263, [5].
• On 22.1.1935, on his way to Vienna from India, he wrote from Rome to his Secretary Emilie Schenkl that he had brought the ‘dhup’ (ধুপ, incense) she wanted and also ‘Thoughts on Vedanta’ by Swami Vivekananda pp. 11-12, [6].
• On 31 December 1937, he wrote to Emilie Schenkl that he had presented Swami Vivekananda’s complete works to the National Bibliothek, Vienna, and that Swami Vivekananda’s books contained one of the best expositions of Indian philosophy. He recommended that she use those books as necessary p. 9, [6].

Devotion to Swami Vivekananda, however, did not stop him from criticizing the institution the Swami founded. He wrote in “Indian Pilgrim’’: “ Vivekananda’s teachings had been neglected by his own followers- by the Ramakrishna Mission which he had founded ‘’ p. 58, [1], and “ In our group [in College] we had always criticized the Ramakrishna Mission for concentrating on hospitals and flood and famine relief and neglecting nation-building work of a permanent nature, and I had no desire to repeat their mistake ‘’ p. 84, [1]. Yet, he found spiritual solace in the same Ramakrishna Mission towards the very end of his known life. As his biographer, Gordon, learned from interviewing Bose’s INA subordinates, as also Swami Siddhartananda and Swami Stidananda (on July 13, 1979, Singapore), that “While Bose was in Singapore, Bose frequently visited the Ramakrishna Mission in Norris Road and spent hours in the shrine room meditating. While bombs were beginning to fall on Berlin, he practised his spiritual exercises late at night in his own home, but in Japanese-occupied Singapore he was able to make a connection to the congenial monks of the Ramakrishna order who spread the teachings of Sri Ramkrishna and Swami Vivekananda which had so moved Bose and were still meaningful to him. It was a haven from the surrounding storm of war and a place where he could make contact for himself with things eternal.’’ p. 502, [18].

Section B: The influence of Aurobindo Ghose on Subhas Chandra Bose

In his unfinished memoirs, “Indian Pilgrim’’ Subhas Chandra Bose had written about the influence of Aurobindo Ghose on him and his contemporaries during his formative years, and the role he played in his spiritual and political exploration:

• “In my undergraduate days Arabindo Ghose was easily the most popular leader in Bengal, despite his voluntary exile and absence since 1909. His was a name to conjure with. He had sacrificed a lucrative career in order to devote himself to politics. On the Congress platform he had stood up as a champion of left-wing thought and a fearless advocate of independence at a time when most of the leaders, with their tongues in their cheeks, would talk only of colonial self-government. He had undergone incarceration with perfect equanimity. His close association with Lokmanya B. G. Tilak (Lokmanya Tilak was popularly known as ‘Bardada’ or Elder brother and Arabindo as ‘Chotdada’ or Younger brother. Tilak was the leader of the left-wing or “extremist” party in the Congress) had given him an all-India popularity, while rumour and official allegation had given him an added prestige in the eyes of the generation by connecting him with his younger brother Barindra Kumar Ghose, admittedly the pioneer of the terrorist movement. Last but not least, a mixture of spirituality and politics had given him a halo of mysticism and made his personality more fascinating to those who were religiously inclined. When I came to Calcutta in 1913, Arabindo was already a legendary figure. Rarely have I seen people speak of a leader with such rapturous enthusiasm and many were the anecdotes of this great man, some of them probably true, which travelled from mouth to mouth. I heard, for instance, that Arabindo had been in the habit of indulging in something like automatic writing. In a state of semi-trance, pencil in hand, he would have a written dialogue with his own self, giving him the name of ‘Manik’. During his trial, the police came across some of the papers in which the ‘conversations’ with ‘manik’ were recorded, and one day the police prosecutor, who was excited over the discovery, stood up before the Court and gravely asked for a warrant against a new conspirator, ‘Manik’, to the hilarious amusement of the gentlemen in the dock ‘’ pp. 61-62, [1].
• “In those days it was freely rumoured that Arabindo had retired to Pondicherry for twelve years’ meditation. At the end of that period he would return to active life as an “enlightened” man, like Gautama Buddha of old, to effect the political salvation of his country. Many people seriously believed this, especially those who felt that it was well nigh impossible to successfully contend with the British people on the physical plane without the aid of some supernatural force. It is highly interesting to observe how the human mind resorts to spiritual nostrums when it is confronted with physical difficulties of an insurmountable character. When the big agitation started after the partition of Bengal in 1905, several mystic stories were in circulation. It was said, for instance, that on the final day of reckoning with the British there would be a “march of blanketeers” into Fort William in Calcutta. Sanyasis or fakirs with blankets on their shoulders would enter the Fort. The British troops would stand stock-still, unable to move or fight, and power would pass into the hands of people. Wish is father to the thought and we loved to hear and to believe such stories in our boyhood. As a College student it was not the mysticism surrounding Arabindo’s name which attracted me, but his writings and also his letters. Arabindo was then editing a monthly journal called Arya in which he expounded his philosophy. He also used to write to certain select people in Bengal. Such letters would pass rapidly from hand to hand, especially in circles interested in spirituality-cum-politics. In our circle somebody would read the letter aloud and the rest would enthuse over it. In one such letter Arabindo wrote, “We must be dynamos of the divine electricity so that when each of us stands up, thousands around may be full of the light – full

• of bliss and Ananda.” We felt convinced that spiritual enlightenment was necessary for effective national service ‘’ pp. 62-63, [1].
• “But what made a lasting appeal to me was not such flashy utterances. I was impressed by his [Aurobindo Ghose’s] deeper philosophy. Shankara’s doctrine of Maya was like a thorn in my flesh. I could not accommodate my life to it, nor could I get rid of it. I required another philosophy to take its place. The reconciliation between the One and the Many, between God and Creation, which Ramakrishna and Vivekananda had preached, had indeed impressed me but had not till then succeeded in liberating me from the cobwebs of Maya. In this task of emancipation, Arabindo came as an additional help. He worked out a reconciliation between Spirit and Matter, between God and Creation, on the metaphysical side and supplemented it with a synthesis of the methods of attaining the truth – a synthesis of Yoga, as he called it. Thousands of years ago the Bhagavad Gita had spoken about the different Yogas – Jnana Yoga or the attainment of truth through devotion and love ; Karma Yoga or the attainment of truth through selfless action. To this, other schools of Yoga had been added later – Hatha Yoga aiming at control over the body and Raja Yoga aiming at control over the mind through control of the breathing apparatus. Vivekananda had no doubt spoken of the need of Jnana (knowledge), Bhakti (devotion and love) and Karma (selfless action) in developing an all-round character, but there was something original and unique in Arabindo’s conception of a synthesis of Yoga. He tried to show how by a proper use of the different Yogas one could rise step by step to the highest truth. It was so refreshing, so inspiring, to read Arabindo’s writings as a contrast to the denunciation of knowledge and action by the later-day Bengal Vaishnavas. All that was needed in my eyes to make Arabindo an ideal guru for mankind was his return to active life ‘’ pp. 63-64, [1].
• He noted that Surendra Nath Bannerji was once the hero of Bengal, and contrasted him with Aurobindo Ghose.He wrote, “ despite his [Bannerji’s] flowery rhetoric and consummate oratory, he lacked the deeper passion which one could find in such simple words of Arabindo: “I should like to see some of you becoming great ; great not for your own sake, but to make India great, so that she may stand up with head erect amongst the free nations of the world. Those of you who are poor and obscure – I should like to see your poverty and obscurity devoted to the service of the motherland. Work that she might prosper, suffer that she might rejoice” p. 64, [1].

Subhas Chandra Bose qualified for Indian Civil Service with flying colors, but decided not to accept an I.C.S. commission. He was inspired by the example and the path followed by his “spiritual guru’’, Aurobindo Ghose in this choice. His letters from England in which he explained his decision to his brother Sarat show how deep an influence Aurobindo Ghose had been on him during his formative years. On 16.2.1921, he wrote to Sarat, “Personally I have no doubt that I can do much more if I am not in the service. A life of sacrifice to start with plain living and high thinking, wholehearted devotion to the country’s cause – all these are highly enchanting to my imagination and inclination. Further, the very principle of serving under an

alien bureaucracy is intensely repugnant to me. The path of Arabindo Ghosh is to me more noble, more inspiring, more lofty, more unselfish though more thorny than the path of Romesh Dutt ‘’ pp. 218-219, [1] and “The illustrious example of Aurobindo Ghose looms large before my vision. I feel that I am ready to make the sacrifice which that example demands of me. …I believe I have an ascetic frame of mind which will enable me to bear with patience any misfortune which may visit me in future……Aurobindo Ghose is to me my spiritual guru. To him and to his mission I have dedicated my life and soul. My decision is final and unchangeable, but my destiny is at present in your hands. Can I not expect your blessings in return and will you not wish me Godspeed in my new and adventurous career ? ‘’ pp. 220-222, [1]. On 6-4-1921, he wrote to Sarat, “We who have grown up under the influence of Swami Vivekananda on one side and Aurobindo Ghose on the other – have, fortunately or unfortunately, developed a mentality which does not accept a compromise between points of view so diametrically opposed’’ p. 223, [1].

From his late teens, he had started to believe that a spiritual path alone was an abdication of earthly duties in then circumstances of India. On 20.11.1915, Bose wrote to his childhood friend Hemanta, “in the current age the life of a wandering pilgrim is not for the youth of Bengal. He has very onerous duties to shoulder” p. 178, [1]. Girija K. Mookerjee writes, “Since his school days, however, Subhas had set before himself the idea of a Sanyasi-statesman…he had opted for a life of action after having rejected that of meditation and inaction’’ p. 85, [14]. His views about Aurobindo Ghose changed in subsequent years once he reflected on his abdication of worldly duties when India needed him the most. On 9.10.1925, he wrote from Mandalay to Dilip Kumar Roy, “I subscribe to most of what you write about Sri Aurobindo, if not to all. He is a dhyani (a contemplative) and, I feel, goes even deeper than Vivekananda, though I have a profound reverence for the latter. So I agree with you when you say that one may from time to time – and, on occasion, for a long spell – remain withdrawn in silent contemplation in perfect seclusion. But here there is a danger ; the active side of a man might get atrophied if he remained cut off for too long from the tides of life and society. This need not, indeed, apply to a handful of authentic seekers of uncommon genius, but the common run, the majority, ought, I think, to take to action in a spirit of service as the main plánk of their sadhana. For a variety of reasons our nation has been sliding pauselessly down to the zero line in the sphere of action ; so what we badly need today is a double dose of the activist serum, rajas’’ p. 132, [2]. The first session of the All-India Youth Congress was held in the Congress Pandal during Calcutta Congress 1928. In his address as the Chairman of the Reception Committee, Bose stirred up the hornet’s nest by “advocating activism as opposed to passivism that was being preached from Sabarmati Ashram of Mahatma Gandhi and Pondicherry Ashram of Sri Aurobindo” p. 40, [15]. The relevant parts of the speech are: “As I look round me today, I am struck by two schools of thought about which it is my duty to speak out openly and fearlessly. I am referring to the two schools of thought which have their centres at Sabarmati and Pondicherry. I am not considering the fundamental philosophy underlying these two schools of thought. This is not the time for metaphysical speculation. I should talk to you today as a pragmatist, as one who will judge the intrinsic value of any school of thought not from a metaphysical point of view but from experience of its actual effects and consequences.The actual effect of the propaganda carried on by the Sabarmati school of thought is to create a feeling and an impression that modernism is bad, that large-scale production is an evil, that wants should not be increased, that the standard of living should not be raised, that we must endeavor to the best of our ability to go back to the days of the bullock-cart, and that soul is so important that physical culture and military training can well be ignored. The actual effect of the propaganda carried on by the Pondicherry school of thought is to create a feeling and an impression that there is nothing higher or nobler than peaceful contemplation, that Yoga means pranayama and dhyana, that while action may be tolerated as good, this particular brand of Yoga is something higher and better. This propaganda has led many a man to forget that spiritual progress under the present-day conditions is possible only by ceaseless and unselfish action, that the best way to conquer nature is to fight her, and it is weakness to seek refuge in contemplation when we are hemmed in on all sides by dangers and difficulties. It is the passivism, not philosophic but actual, inculcated by these schools of thought against which I protest. In this holy land of ours Ashrams are not new institutions and ascetics and Yogis are not novel phenomena; they have held and they will continue to hold an honoured place in society. But it is not their lead that we shall have to follow if we are to create a new India, at once free, happy and great. …We can no longer live in an isolated corner of the world. When India is free, she will have to fight her modern enemies with modern methods, both in the economic and in the political spheres. The days of the bullock-cart are gone and gone for ever. The free world must prepare itself for any eventuality as long as the whole world does not accept whole-heartedly the policy of disarmament ‘’ p. 273, [4]. His friend Dilip Roy who had retired to Pondicherry under the inspiration of Ghose has recalled, “ I gave up worldly life and took to the Yoga of Sri Aurobindo in 1928 ; he [Subhas] spoke publicly against our “escapist mysticism” ‘’ Loc 393, [12].

In the 1930s, he wrote to Dilip Roy, from Europe, “he “despaired” of  our country when “men of the caliber of Dilipkumar and Anilbaran” could plump for blind faith as against enlightened reason. How could one possibly invest a “human Guru with attributes that belonged only to Divinity?” His position was that faith lacked finality in that every “faithist” might concoct a credo utterly different from that of another, to be branded as an “infidel”. Only reason could help people to grow into some sort of fertile harmony. The “incarnate Gods” who battened in India on the gullibility of the credulous had done untold harm and we, the vigilant, should know better in the twentieth century than to swell the ranks of such weak-kneed adherents, and so he went on and on in an excess of exasperation. In  a letter previous to this he had written that he failed to see how Sri Aurobindo’s great bani (dictum) that “Yoga must include life and not exclude it” could possibly square with the life we were leading ‘’ Loc 2183-2188, [12]. Dilip Roy continued, “I sent this letter [Aurobindo’s rejoinder] to Subhash. Nilima wrote back from Vienna that he brooded long over it but in the end decided that I was wrong, as depending too much on God led nowhere in these days when accept we must the mantra of “do and die” , a la St. Joan, repudiating that of “wait and see”, a la Asquith. I felt a trifle deflated .’’ … Loc 2223, [12]. Later Subhas Chandra Bose told Dilip Roy that  he did not mean everything he said and it was “Dushta Saraswati’’ (দুষ্ট সরস্বতী) that made him say just the opposite to what he felt Loc 2379-2386, [12], but not he was probably being conciliatory towards his friend’s sentiment.

In “Indian Pilgrim’’ written in late 1930s, he has written that, “I was still under the influence of Arabindo Ghosh (when Bose resigned from I.C.S.) As a matter of fact it was widely believed about this time that he would soon return to active political life’’ p. 112, [1]. Notice the past tense he was using when he was writing this book in the late 1930s. Also note that he links his youthful admiration of Ghose to the prevalent belief that Ghose would soon assume the political mantle. In “Indian Pilgrim’’ Bose decried the passivity he saw embodied in some institutions like the Sabarmati Ashram and Pondicherry Ashram respectively of Gandhi and Aurobindo p. 193, [1].

He however continued to pay glowing tributes to the past political contributions of Aurobindo Ghose.

• On 22 July 1929, he spoke at the Hooghly District Student’s Conference in Chinsurah, “It was in the mouth of Aurobindo that we heard the message of political freedom for the first time. And when Aurobindo wrote in the columns of his “Bandemataram” – “we want complete autonomy free from British control” – the freedom-loving Bengalee youth could feel that he had at last got the man of his heart. Having thus [from Swami Vivekananda and Aurobindo Ghose] received the impetus to complete independence, the Bengalee people have been forging ahead, making light of all obstacles and stumbling-blocks on the way ‘’ p. 11, [5].
• In a public speech on 7 July, 1931 in Narail, Bose stated that Aurobindo Ghose’s declaration that complete autonomy free from British control stirred Bengal, nay, the whole of India. He asked how many leaders of India at the time dared speak in that strain, and attributed Aurobindo’s call for freedom as the start of the current day nationalism p. 202, [5].
• On 16 April, 1932, he wrote to a friend quoting Aurobindo, “we must be dynamos of the divine electricity so that when each of us stands up, thousands around may be full of the light !” He wrote that “I am taking to the study of Aurobindo’s works more and more and I find them fascinating. Some friends, including Dilip (Sj. Dilip Kumar Roy) have been good enough to send me his latest books. I was a close student of “Arya” when it used to be published and I was profoundly impressed in those days, but of late I did not have time to study his latest works. I now feel that I must visit Pondicherry when I am free” p. 247, [5].

Section C: Spiritual explorations of Subhas Chandra Bose

During his school years, Bose devoured books on Brahmacharya or sex-control, meditation, yoga and especially Hatha-Yoga p. 40, [1]. He has written, “ Yoga means literally Union (with Godhead). The word ‘Yoga’ is used, however, to indicate not merely the goal but also the means. Yogic practice has two branches …’Raja-Yoga’ is concerned with the control of the mind and ‘Hatha-Yoga’ with that of the body ‘’ p. 40, [1]. He extensively read on Tantra while he was confined in Mandalay jail. On 30.4.1926, he wrote to his brother Sarat that he had asked a Book Company to send him Prantoshinee (প্রাণতোষিণী) by Ram Toshan Bhattacharya, Tantrasar (তন্ত্রসার) by Rasik Mohan Chattopadhyaya, Brihattantrasar (বৃহত্তন্ত্রসার) by Agambagish Srimat Krishnananda, Shaktananda Taranginee (শাক্তানন্দ তরঙ্গিণী) by Srimat Brahmananda Giri, Shyamarahasya (শ্যামারহস্য) and Tara Rahasya (তারা রহস্য) by Srimat Purnananda Paramahansa, Purohitdarpan (পুরোহিত দর্পন), Shakti (শক্তি) and Shakta (শাক্ত) and another book on Tantra by Woodroffe. He had read Shivachandra’s Tantra Tatta তন্ত্র তত্ত্ব in Bangla. All except Woodroffe’s books were written in Bangla pp. 263-264, [2]. On 17.5.1926 he asked Sarat to find out his Rashi (রাশি) and Nakshtra (নক্ষত্র) at the time he was born to solve a problem that had cropped up while studying Tantra (তন্ত্র) p. 288, [2]. Rashi, Nakshtra were traditionally used by Bengali astrologers. On 4.6.1926, he wrote to a well-read old College friend, Shibnath Chatterjee, a long letter asking about books on topics he was reading. He asked if Sibnath could send him 1) Bengali translations of the Sam Veda (সামবেদ), Yayur Veda (যজুর্বেদ), Atharva Veda (অথর্ববেদ), possibly those by Durganath Lahiri, 2) if there was a comparative study in Bangla of the Veda and the Avesta, 3) if there existed a chronological account of the emergence, rise and fall of religious movements in India
4) if he could send him the Bengali translations with the original Sanskrit Slokas of the following books,  Haratatta didhiti (হরতত্বদীধিতি) compiled by Harakumar Thakur, published by Sourendra Mohan Thakur,  Harivakti Bilas (হরিভক্তি বিলাস ) Gopal Vatta’s book on Vaisnabi Smriti Shuddhitattam (বৈষ্ণবী স্মৃতি শুদ্ধিতম), Shradhatattam (শ্রাদ্ধতত্ত্বম), by Raghunandan Bhattacharya, Atrisamhita অত্রি সংহিতা, Vishnu Samhita (বিষ্ণু সংহিতা), Harit Samhita (হরিত সংহিতা), Yajnabalkya Samhita (যাজ্ঞবল্ক সংহিতা), Usana Samhita (উশান সংহিতা), Ajnira Samhita, Yama Samhita (যম সংহিতা), Upastamba Samhita (উপস্তম্ব সংহিতা), Sambarta Samhita (সম্বর্ত সংহিতা), Kyattayan Samhita (কাত্তায়ান সংহিতা), Brihaspati Samhita (বৃহস্পতি সংহিতা), Parasar Samhita (পরাশর সংহিতা), Vyas Samhita (ব্যাস সংহিতা), Sankha Samhita (শঙ্খ সংহিতা), Likhita Samhita (লিখিত সংহিতা), Daksha Samhita (দক্ষ সংহিতা), Goutam Samhita (গৌতম সংহিতা), Shatatap Samhita (শতাতপ সংহিতা), Vashistha Samhita (বশিষ্ট সংহিতা), Baudhayan Samhita (বৌধায়ন সংহিতা). He mentions that Panchanan Tarkaratna had translated all the above Samhitas. He also asked if there was a book on the history of Indian Philosophy, which deals with the topic chronologically, if Surendra Nath Dasgupta’s book deals with the relation between the schools chronologically or logically pp. 335-338, [2]. On 2 April, 1927 he wrote from Insein Jail in Rangoon to Jatindra Nath Chakraborty,  quoting Tomar Pataka Jare Dao, tare bahibare dao sakati (তোমার পতাকা যারে দাও- তারে বহিবারে দাও শক্তি), Emerson’s “We must live wholly from within”, “Mrityurena Na sansaya” (মৃত্যুরেনা না সংশয়), “His chosen one alone can attain to it” in the Upanishads pp. 194-195, [3]. On 5 April, 1927, he wrote from Insein to his friend Gopal Lal Sanyal in Bangla, again quoting Tomar Pataka Jare Dao, tare Bahibare Dao Sakati (তোমার পতাকা যারে দাও- তারে বহিবারে দাও শক্তি),

and the Upanishads: Yamebaisha brinute tena labbya (যামেবৈশ বৃণুতে তেনা লভ্য – It can be attained only by one who has His grace) pp. 204, 205, [3].

He used to periodically live as Hindu monk during his school and college days. He wrote, “In the winter of 1913 we had a camp at Santipur, a place 50 miles from Calcutta on the river Hooghly, where we lived as monks wearing orange-coloured clothes. We were raided by the police and all our names and addresses were taken down, but no serious trouble followed beyond an enquiry into our antecedents ‘’ p. 61, [1]. He has also written, “I doubt if there was any religious group or sect in or near Calcutta with whom we did not come into contact’’ p. 64, [1]. At the end of his school days, he travelled to North India as part of a spiritual journey and faced ethnic and casteist discrimination during the same. The description reveals the mastery he had attained over Shankaracharya during that period: “ in the summer vacation of 1914, I quietly left on a pilgrimage with another friend of mine. ….At one of the Ashramas in Hardwar they felt uncomfortable when we went there, not knowing if we were really spiritually minded youths or were revolutionaries appearing in that cloak…..The first shock that I received was when, at an eating-house in Hardwar, they refused to serve us food. Bengalees, they said, were unclean like Christians because they ate fish. We could bring our plates and they would pour out the food, but we have to go back to our lodging and eat there. Though one of my friends was a Brahman, he too had to eat the humble-pie. At Buddha-Gaya we had a similar experience. We were guests at a Muth to which we have been introduced by the head of the Ramakrishna Mission at Benares. When we were to take our food we were asked if we would not like to sit separately, because all of us were not of the same caste. I expressed my surprise at this question because they were followers of Shankaracharya, and I quoted a verse (Sarvatotsrija Bheda-Jnanam) of his in which he had advised to give up all sense of difference. They could not challenge my statement because I was on strong ground. The next day when we went for a bath we were told by some men there not to draw the water from the well because we were not Brahmans. Fortunately, my Brahman friend, who was in the habit of hanging his sacred thread on a peg, had it on him at the moment. With a flourish he pulled it out from under his chaddar and just to defy them he began to draw the water and pass it on to us, much to their discomfiture All this happened in 1914. But India is now (in 1930s) a changed country ‘’ p. 69, [1].

In a letter to his childhood friend Hemanta Kumar Sarkar, on 19.6.1914, he describes a conversation he had with his father after returning from the pilgrimage he undertook that summer, “He asked me if indivisibility of the Divine Spirit, that is to say that ‘the Spirit alone is true, the world is all false’, was not a mere theory. I said that so long as it was a mere platitude it was a theory, but it becomes true when it is realised and that such realisation was possible. Those who said so realised its truth and have also said that we could realize it. He asked, ‘Who were able to do it and what is the proof?’ I answered that the Rishis achieved it and then quoted the Sloka beginning with ‘Vedahamiti’. He then said that once upon a time Maharishi Devendra Nath, Keshav Chandra and Paramhansa were in Calcutta- and people were able to achieve what they were capable of. I said that Vivekananda’s ideal was my ideal” pp. 158-159, [1].

He engaged with theologians of other religions on essences of various religion: “In 1917 I became very friendly with a Jesuit father. We used to have long talks on matters of common interest. In the Jesuit order founded by Ignatius Loyala I then found much that appealed to me, for instance, their triple vow of poverty, chastity and obedience (There is some analogy to the triple prayer of the Buddhists which has to be repeated daily – “I take refuge in Buddha;  I take refuge in Dharma  (Truth); I  take  refuge in the Sangha  (Order)”). Unlike many Jesuits, this father was not dogmatic and he was well-versed in Hindu philosophy. In our discussions he naturally took his stand on Christian theology as interpreted by his church, while I took my stand on the Vedanta as interpreted by Shankaracharya. I did not of course comprehend the Shankarite Doctrine of Maya ( In brief, this theory implies that the world as we perceive it through our senses is an illusion. It is a case of the rope being mistaken for a snake, the snake being the

world of the senses.) in all its abstruseness, but I grasped the essential principles of it – or at least I thought I did. One day the Jesuit father turned round to me and said – ‘I admit the Shankara’s position is logically the soundest – but to those who cannot live up to it, we offer the next best.‘ ‘’ p. 118, [1].

He never accepted any Hindu school of thought without questioning. He has written how he questioned Shankaracharya’s theory, “Whenever I came across such an incident [of racist abuse of Indians by the British] my dreams would suffer a rude shock, and Shankaracharya’s Doctrine of Maya would be shaken to its very foundations. It was quite impossible to persuade myself that to be insulted by a foreigner was an illusion that could be ignored ‘’ p. 73, [1]. An English Professor in the Presidency College he initially went, Oaten, was assaulted by students after he made racist comments against Indians and had manhandled Indian students. He was suspended from Calcutta University, suspected to have masterminded the assault on Oaten. He recalls that his rejection of Shankaracharya’s Maya theory was completed after the above suspension. He writes “ [After Oaten was assaulted], He (Principal H. R. James) sent for all those students who were in his black list including myself. To me he said – or rather snarled – in unforgettable words, ‘Bose, you are the most troublesome man in the College. I suspend you’. I said ‘Thank you’, and went home. Shankaracharya’s Maya lay dead as a door nail ‘’ p. 78, [1]. He had written how he persistently questioned the truth of the Vedanta as well: “Western philosophy begins with doubt (some say it ends with doubt also). It regards everything with a critical eye, takes nothing on trust, and teaches us to argue logically and to detect fallacies. In other words, it emancipates the mind from pre-conceived notions. My first reaction to this was to question the truth of the Vedanta on which I had taken my stand so long. I began to write essays in defense of materialism, purely as an intellectual exercise’’ p. 75, [1].

He has described the philosophical basis for rejecting Shankaracharya’s theory, and opting for some other Hindu schools of thought: “There was a time when I believed that Absolute Truth was within the reach of human mind and that the Doctrine of Maya represented the quintessence of knowledge. Today I would hesitate to subscribe to that position. I had ceased to be an absolutist (if I may use that word in my own sense) and am much more of a pragmatist. What I cannot live up to – what is not workable – I feel inclined to discard. Shankara’s Doctrine of Maya intrigued me for a long time, but ultimately I found that I could not accept it because I could not live it. So I had to turn to a different philosophy. But that did not oblige me to go to Christian theology. There are several schools of Indian philosophy which regard the world, creation, as a reality and not as an illusion. There is, for example, the theory of Qualified Monism according to which the ultimate reality is One and the world is a manifestation of it. Ramakrishna’s view is very similar, that both the One (God) and the Many (Creation) are true. Several theories have been advanced to explain the nature of creation. According to some the universe is the manifestation of Ananda or Divine Bliss. Others hold that it is the manifestation of Divine Play or ‘Leela’. Several attempts have also been made to describe the One – the Absolute – God – in human language and imagery. To some, like the Vaishnavas, God is Love, to some like the Shaktas, He is power;  to others He is knowledge; to still others He is bliss. Then there is  the traditional conception of the Absolute in Hindu philosophy as ‘Sat-Chit-Ananda’, which may be translated as Existence-Consciousness (or Knowledge) – Bliss’. The more consistent philosophers say that the Absolute is indescribable or inexpressible (anirvachaneeya). And it is reported of Buddha that whenever he was questioned about the Absolute he remained silent ‘’ pp. 118-119, [1].

He explored, “It is impossible to comprehend the Absolute through our human intellect with all its limitations. We cannot perceive reality as it is objectively – as it is in itself –  we have to do so through our own spectacles, whether these spectacles be Bacon’s ‘Idola’ or Kant’s ‘forms of the understanding’ or something else. The Hindu philosopher will probably say that as long as the duality of Subject (Jnata) and Object (Jneya) remains, knowledge is bound to be imperfect. Perfect knowledge can be attained only when Subject and Object merge into oneness. This is not possible on the mental plane – the plane of ordinary consciousness. It is possible only in the supra-mental plane- in the region of super-consciousness. But the conception of the supra-mental, of the super-conscious, is peculiar to Hindu philosophy and is repudiated by Western philosophers. According to the former, perfect knowledge is attainable only when we reach the level of the super-conscious through Yogic perception, i.e., intuition  of some sort. Intuition,  as an instrument of knowledge has, of course, been admitted in Western philosophy since the time of Henri Bergson, though it may still be ridiculed in certain quarters. But  Western philosophy has yet to admit the existence of the supra-mental and the possibility of our comprehending it through Yogic perception ‘’ pp. 119-120, [1].

He pondered, “Assuming for a moment for argument’s sake that we can comprehend the Absolute through Yogic perception, the difficulty about describing it will still remain. When we attempt to describe it, we fall back into the plane of normal consciousness and we are handicapped by all the limitations of the normal human mind. Our descriptions of the Absolute God are consequently anthropomorphic and what is anthropomorphic cannot be regarded as Absolute Truth ‘’ pp. 119-120, [1].

He continued, “Now can we comprehend the Absolute through Yogic perception? Is there a supra-mental plane which the individual can reach and where the Subject and the Object merge into oneness? My attitude to this question is one of benevolent agnosticism – if I may coin  this expression. On the one hand, I am not prepared to take anything on trust. I must have first-hand experience, but this sort of experience in the matter of the Absolute, I am unable to get. On the other hand, I cannot just rule out as sheer moonshine what so many individuals claim to have experienced in the past. To repudiate all that would be to repudiate much, which I am not prepared to do. I have, therefore, to leave the question of the supra-mental open, until such time as I am able to experience it myself. Meanwhile I take up the position of a relativist. I mean thereby, that Truth as known to us is not absolute but relative. It is relative to our common mental constritution- to our distinctive characteristics as individuals – and to changes in the same individual during the process of time.

Once we admit that our notions of the Absolute are relative to our human mind, we should be relieved of a great deal of philosophical controversy. It would follow that when such notions differ, they may all be equally true – the divergence been accounted for by the distinctive individuality of the subject. It would follow, further, that the notions of the same individual with regard to the Absolute may vary with time along with his mental development. But none of these notions need to be regarded as false. As Vivekananda used to say, ‘Man proceeds not from error to truth but from truth to higher truth’. There should accordingly be scope for the widest toleration ‘’ pp. 120-121, [1].

He explained why he could not accept the doctrine of Maya, “The question now arises: Granting that reality as known to me is relative and not absolute, what is its nature? In the first place, it has an objective existence and is not an illusion. I come to this conclusion not from a priori considerations but mainly from the pragmatic point of view. The Doctrine of Maya does not work. My life is incompatible with it, though I tried long and hard to make my life fit in with it. I have, therefore, to discard it. On the other hand, if the world be real (not, of course, in an absolute but in a relative sense) then life becomes interesting and acquires meaning and purpose ‘’ p. 121, [1].

He wrote, “Why do I believe in Spirit? Because it is a pragmatic necessity. My nature demands it. I see purpose and design in nature ; I discern an ‘increasing purpose’ in my own life. I feel that I am not a mere conglomeration of atoms. I perceive, too, that reality is not a fortuitous  combination of molecules. Moreover, no other theory can explain reality (as I understand it) so well. This theory is in short an intellectual and moral necessity, a necessity of my very life, so far as I am concerned ‘’ pp. 121-122, [1], and “The world is a manifestation of Spirit and just as Spirit is eternal so also is the world of creation. Creation does not and cannot end at any point of time. This view is similar to the Vaishnavic conception of Eternal Play (Nitya Leela নিত্য লীলা).  Creation is not the offspring of sin; nor is it the result of ‘avidya’ or ‘ignorance’ as the Shankarites would say. It reflects the eternal play of eternal forces –  the Divine Play, if you will ‘’ p. 122, [1].

He has also noted that “The Sankhya Philosophy of the Hindus was probably the oldest endeavor to describe the evolutionary process in nature ‘’ p. 124, [1].

Section D: Lived experience of Hindu religiosity with a Bengali flavor

We first describe Subhas Chandra Bose’s affinity towards various threads of Hindu religiosity in Bengal (Section D.1) and subsequently his attachment to Hindu public worship in Bengal and how that attachment shaped some of his political moves (Section D.2).

Section D.1: Affinity towards various threads of Hindu religiosity in Bengal

In Bengal, two Hindu threads of religiosity are predominant – Shakto (Shiva, Goddesses Durga and Kali) and Vaishnava (Krishna and his thoughts in Bhagavad Gita). Bose was deeply influenced by both these schools, as seen in his letters to his close family members and apolitical friends, which were not meant for public consumption.

• Between 1912-1913, as a boy of 15-16 years, he wrote to his mother, “I worship the man whose heart is overflowing with the love of God. Even if he be of low caste, I am prepared to accept the dust of his feet as something sacred. And, one who shows all the signs of ecstasy at the mere mention of ‘Durga’ [দূর্গা] or ‘Hari’ [হরি, Vishnu] – namely, perspiration, weeping, etc. is undoubtedly God Himself. The world is hallowed by their presence – we are just insignificant beings” p. 133, [1]. His Hinduism was therefore founded on an ethos of equity, following utterances of his spriritual inspiration, Swami Vivekananda, which he had quoted in 1) a letter he wrote from England to Hemanta Kumar Sarkar on 23.3.1920, “Swami Vivekananda used to say that India’s progress will be achieved only by the peasant, the washerman, the cobbler and the sweeper.” p. 206, [1] 2) his unfinished memoir, “Indian Pilgrim’’: “ The Swami himself in one of his passionate utterances had said, ‘Say brothers at the top of your voice – the naked Indian, the illiterate Indian, the Brahman Indian, the Pariah Indian is my brother.’ Talking of the future, he had remarked that the Brahman (religious caste), the Kshatriya (warrior caste) and the Vaisya (trader caste) each had had their day and now came the turn of the Sudras, the down-trodden masses ‘’ pp. 37-38, [1], and 3) hisPresidential Address at the Rangpur Political Conference delivered on 30 March 1929: “ In the work of man-making, Swami Vivekananda did not confine his attention to any particular sect but embraced the whole of society. His fiery words – “Let a new India emerge through the workshop and from the huts and bazaars” – are still ringing in every Bengali home.’’ p. 2, [5]. Also, note the influence of both “Durga’’ and “Hari’’ on him. His next letter that we quote makes this dual influence even more explicit.
• On his way to Europe, from the ship called S S Gange, he wrote on 5 March, 1933, to his close friend Dilip Kumar Roy, “To be quite frank, I am torn this side and that – between my love for Shiva, Kali and Krishna. Though they are fundamentally one – one does prefer one symbolism to another. I have found that my moods vary – and according to my prevalent mood, I choose one of the three forms – Shiva, Kali and Krishna. Of these three again, the struggle is between Shiva and Shakti. Shiva, the ideal Yogi, has a fascination for me and Kali the Mother also makes an appeal to me. You see, of late (i.e., for the last four or five years) I have become a believer in Mantra Shakti by which I mean that certain Mantras have an inherent Shakti. Prior to that, I had the ordinary rationalistic view, namely that Mantras are like symbols and they are aids to concentration. But my study of Tantra philosophy gradually convinced me that certain Mantras had an inherent Shakti – and that each mental constitution was fitted for a particular Mantra. Since then, I have tried my best to find out what my mental constitution is like and which Mantra I would be suited for. But so far I have failed to find that out because my moods vary and I am sometimes a Shaiva, sometimes a Shakta and sometimes a Vaishnava.‘’ p. 2, [7]. This actually showed that Bose had delved deep into Hindu philosophy, including Tantra.

We first describe the influence of the Shakto or Shakti school through Mother Goddesses, Durga and Kali on him. Leonard Gordon has documented how he inherited his affinity for Goddess Durga and Kali from his mother: “His mother was devoted to Durga and Kali’’ p. 32, [18]and “he inherited and chosen form to worship the divine was in the form of the Mother Goddess, especially as Durga or Kali.’’ p. 123, [18]. We now quote from his letters.

• His letters to his family members often started with the invocation of the Goddess Durga, eg, on 11.9.1925 from Mandalay Jail, he wrote to his sister-in-law Bivabati Bose, “The Great Durga be us!’’, শ্রী শ্রী দূর্গা সহায়, p. 118, [2].
• After hearing of the expiry of C. R. Das, on 6.7.1925, from Mandalay jail he sent a letter of condolence to Basanti Devi, in Bangla, on behalf of the Bengali political prisoners in Mandalay. The letter revealed a culturally Hindu thought process that invokes Shakti in the feminine. He wrote there: “Please bring us again the same mantra with which you had once enlivened every Bengali home and appear amongst us once again as the embodiment of Shakti! ….The youth of Bengal will pour out all their devotion at your feet ; your blessings will bring them victory in their mission and they will offer you the laurels and sing in unison “Bande Mataram! ‘’ p. 78, [2].
• From Mandalay jail he wrote to Haricharan Bagchi in 1926, “The way to conquer fear is to worship Power. The images of Durga, Kali etc. are the expressions of Power. Man can attain power by invoking any of its forms in his mind, praying to Her for strength and offering all his weaknesses and faults at Her feet. Infinite strength lies dormant inside us, we must bring it to life. The purpose of worship is to develop strength within one’s self. You must contemplate some form of Power every day, seek strength from Her, offering all the five senses and all evil at Her feet. The five-pointed lamp symbolises the five senses. Worship of the Mother is performed with the five senses. We have eyes to see ; so we worship with sweet-smelling things like incense, etc. By sacrifice is meant sacrifice of evil – because the goat is the physical form of that.” p. 140, [3].
• On 17.7.1927, he wrote to Basanti Devi in Bangla, exhorting her to join politics: “The spiritual quest of Bengal has always been voiced through the cult of the Mother. Be it God or be it motherland- whatever we have worshipped we have done so in the image of the Mother. But alas! Today the menfolk of Bengal have become so important and cowardly that they are incapable of preventing the molestation of women that is going on in the districts of Bengal. The other day (several months ago) Sanjeebani wrote – “O Mother, you must take up arms yourself to protect your honour”. I was touched by these words. Indeed, the condition of our country today is very much so ; what is more, most probably the mother will have to come forward to protect the honour of her children as well – the nation has become so degenerate and cowardly.” p. 232, [3]. His expression reminds one of how the Devas exhorted Goddess Durga to assume weapon and slay Mahisasura. On 30.7.1927, he clarified in a follow-up letter to Basanti Devi, “It is not because of our lack of self-confidence that we are still looking up to our mother. We have enough self-confidence, perhaps a little too much. Still why do we want our mother ? The reason is that no worship is complete if we leave the mother out. In our social history, whenever we have faced danger and misfortune we have invoked the Mother. We have created the image of the Mother with all that was best in our being. Our national struggle began with the song “Bande Mataram” (salutations to the Mother). That is why we are calling upon our mother in this manner. But will not the heartless image respond ?” p. 238, [3].
• On 29 October, 1943, from South East Asia, he sent a letter in Bangla, in his own handwriting to his nephew Sisir Kumar Bose, asking for assistance to the bearer of the letter. The bearer of the letter was T. K. Rao, who was the leader of a secret group sent by submarine from Penang. Bose added his customary invocation of the divine, Sri Sri Kali Puja written, on it. The first letter had to be destroyed in 1944. Another secret agent delivered a similar letter after the end of the war in 1945, he was unable to deliver the letter in 1944. This letter is preserved in the archives of the Netaji Research Bureau p. 413, [11].

He motivated Indians towards freedom struggle through Hindu symbolisms as appropriate for the audience. We provide two examples of public speeches and statements in which he invoked Goddess Durga and the Divine Mother:

• On December 9, 1930, he had called upon the women to participate in liberation struggle, invoking the imagery of asuradalani Durga: “`Women had not only duties to their family, but they had also a greater duty to their country. When the gods found their sliver almost vanquished in their fight with the demons, they invoked the help of “sakti” in the form of mother. The country was in a sad plight, therefore the country looked up to the mothers to come forward and inspire the whole nation.’’ p. 238, [18].
• On 2.3.1933, before leaving for Europe, from his ship S. S. Gange, he referred to the “Divine Mother’’ in his parting message to Bengalis, “For over a year I have been exiled from my own province. During this period owing to unhealthy conditions of confinement my health completely broke down. As my condition worsened, I was shifted from one province to another – but I was deliberately kept away from the hospitals and the physicians who were so anxious to take charge of my treatment. Even the prisons of Bengal, so hospitable to thousands of my countrymen- shut their doors on me. To my physical suffering was added mental torture. During my incarceration outside Bengal, I watched with a sense of increasing pain and helplessness the repression that was prevailing in the province. All that I could do in the circumstances was to silently pray in the seclusion of my cell that the Divine Mother may grant strength to our people and that a new Bengal may be born’’ p. 262, [5].

We now cite contemporary first hand accounts recalling the influence of the Shakto school on him.

Leonard Gordon has described how Subhas Chandra Bose used to sing devotional songs for Goddess Kali, also known as Shyama-Sangit. In Gordon’s words, “Sabitriprasanna Chattopadhyay had described Subhas’ visit to an East Bengal village in the late 1920s. Subhas arrived with a few Congress workers during the muggy summer heat at a Padma ferry crossing. The boatman pushed off into the broad river. On questioning Subhas learned that the boatman had lost a son in Padma. “Subhas’s eyes filled with tears, and in the fading light of that cloudy day a shadow of sadness fell on his face”. He asked the boatman to sing. The boatman cleared his throat and sang a bhatiali: “To know the mystery of the river
You must plunge into its depths
And if you are ready to brave the depths
Why should you fear the storm
When the river erodes the banks on both sides
Into the stilted channel rushes the flood tide
If you want to reach a distant destination
Sometimes, you must go against the current

Subhas then asked if anyone would sing a shyama sangit (a song dedicated to the goddess Kali). No one volunteered. Then Subhas hummed for a while and sang,
‘When will you dance again, oh Mother Shyama [Goddess Kali]
Making the garland of skulls around your neck move.
Through the darkness of the clouds
The scimitar in your hand flashes like a flame
Oh Mother ! By the fire of your three eyes
Reduce to ashes all the impurities of the mind,
And I will never be afraid of the terrible.
Oh Mother Kali! Give me your mantra of the fearless
Oh Mother ! Again and again I call thee.
Can you escape being the Mother ?
This time I offer at your feet
A garland of blood-red oleanders ‘’ pp. 199-200, [18].

Finally, a Bengali from Sylhet, Amulya Chandra Bhadra, who had a jewellery shop in Burma, had donated all his property to the INA and enrolled as a soldier there. He met Sabitri Prasanna Chatterji after his release from the prison camp of Neelganj p. 175, [13]. He told Sabitri Prasanna, “When the threat was intense, bad news is reaching us from everywhere, or terrifying bombing was going on in a trench, we had heard Netaji singing [a Bangla song about Lord Shiva’s dance]:
“Proloynachan nachle jakhan
Apan bhule,

He Nataraj, tomar jatar bandhan
Porlo khule ‘’ ‘’ p. 178, [13].

We now document the influence of the Vaishhnava school on him. His letters to his mother, between 1912-13, as a boy of 15-16, reveal a strong influence of Bhagavad-Gita, particularly the hymn, কর্মণ্যে অধিকারাস্থ মা ফলেষু কদাচনং, on his psyche:

• “The Lord has Himself said in the Gita. “As are childhood, youth and old age, in this body to the embodied soul, so also is the attaining of another body. Calm souls are not deluded thereat. God has said in the Gita: “You have a right to action, but not to the fruits thereof” p. 141, [1].
• “He [God] has sought to lead us into temptation with the material things of the world and reduced us to mere victims of Maya. The mother, as it were, is busy with her household and the child with his playthings – unless the child cries out to her with all his heart leaving all his toys behind, the mother does not come to him. Assuming that the child is at play, the mother feels no necessity to come to him. But when the child’s wailing reaches her, she rushes to his side. The Mother of the Universe is playing the game with us. One cannot reach God unless his dedication is hundred per cent. If God could be realised with only fractional attention, why do such people who are steeped in worldly pleasures fail to achieve Him? Without Him, all is empty, absolutely empty, – life is a farce and an intolerable burden. …He can be attained only through Sadhana, deep meditation and intense prayer; only thus can He be realised quite speedily – even within the space of two or three years. One must persevere – success or failure is His Will. I must go on working – the ultimate result is in His hands – whether I succeed or I do not is His concern – we must continue and go on trying. One who has realised Him once has no need to strive or pray any more ‘’ pp. 146-147, [1].

Dilip Kumar Roy, recounts a conversation with him, during their student days in England, in which the duo brought up the analogy of Krishna’s choices: “Excuse me, Subhas,” I said after a pause, “but do you really mean to say that the way to deserve freedom lies through…..you know what I mean ?”

He laughed: “Why are you so scared of the word which begins with R?”

“It isn’t quite Revolution I have in mind. It is …..terrorism with all its ugly atmosphere of ….” I broke down again.

“Dear, dear, Dilip! As if life was a procession of roses and waterfalls and rainbows and moon-beams. I wish it were. But we, earthlings, are not all artists, Dilip, we have to reckon with hard reality – weekly, daily, hourly reality. I admit it is regrettable, even ugly, if you will – though it has also a terrible beauty of its own, but may be that Beauty does not unveil her face except to her devotees: but what would you have? Even Lord Krishna had to devise stratagems when he found the enemy could not be circumvented otherwise” pp. 183-184, [12].

(Dilip said) “But you forget Krishna presided over a regular army. We have only tides of patriotic emotion. Fine tides to look at, I grant – but only when they surge ahead. But then – when they recede?”

Subhash held my eyes.

“Did you ever live beside a river ?”

“No. Why?”

“Because I happen to know, having passed my childhood days in Cuttack. It is very curious though – for you have given a simile which spells your own ruin. For the tides recede only to surge back again, especially in the rains, with mounting force. Day after day I would watch on in curiosity. They strike the solid banks for some time at flood-tide but, it seems, only to troop away – shame-faced, defeated. After a time they appear again and hurtle with a stronger impetus. This play of rising and subsiding is repeated, the assaulting continues, and the banks, their enemies, get weaker and weaker, imperceptibly – till the fateful day when chunks of them fall plop into the swirling, eddying tides and the battle is won: where there was a reign of solid land gurgle along radiant, triumphant crests. You take it from me Dilip, that all this isn’t mere talk. It may seem rather quiet now, but it’s only the lull before the storm’’ p. 184, [12].

We quote from his letters and articles sent from Mandalay jail (1925-1927) to show the influence of Bhagavad Gita on him:

• On 20.8.1925, his letter to N. C. Kelkar speaks volumes of the inspiration he drew from Gita and the commentary Lokmanya Tilak wrote on Gita, “ When the order of transfer to Mandalay Jail was served on me in Berhampur Jail (in Bengal) towards the end of January last, it did not strike me at the moment that Mandalay Jail was the place where the late Lokamanya Tilak had spent the major portion of his long term of imprisonment. Not till I actually arrived here, did I realize that within the four walls of this jail amid the most dismal surroundings- the late Lokamanya wrote his famous commentary on Gita which, in my humble opinion, has placed him in the same rank with intellectual giants like Sankara and Ramanuja. All of us know about Lokmanya’s imprisonment for six years. But I am sure that few are aware of the extent of the suffering, both physical and mental, which he had to undergo during that period. He was here all alone without any intellectual companion and I am sure he was not allowed to associate with other prisoners. Books were his only solace and he lived in a room by himself…..But how little is known of his silent suffering within the precincts of this jail ! Of the many pinpricks which are incidental to the life of a prisoner and which on occasions make life unbearable – how few are aware ! Imbued as he was with the spirit of Gita perhaps he himself was above suffering and pain and did not therefore breathe a word about it to anybody else….Only a philosopher of the type of Lokamanya endowed with a superhuman will could have overcome the emasculating effects of that incarceration, maintained peace of mind in the midst of suffering and bondage and have produced a monumental and epoch-making work like his commentary on Gita….One has to be in jail for some time in order to realize what strength of will, depth of Sadhana and power of endurance- apart from intellectual ability – are necessary for producing under such adverse, depressing and enervating conditions a work so profound and so sublime as Lokamanya’s Gita Bhashya. Speaking for myself, the more I think about the matter, the more do I lose myself in admiration and reverence. I hope our countrymen in gauging the greatness of Lokamanya will take all these facts into consideration. The man who could survive such a long term of imprisonment – being a diabetic patient himself – with all his intellectual powers and fighting capacity unimpaired and during that dark period prepare such a priceless offering to his motherland- is worthy of a place in front rank of the world’s greatest men…..But the inexorable laws of nature whose authority Lokamanya had floated during his incarceration must have had their revenge. And I believe that just as Deshabandhu’s death commenced in the Alipore Central Jail – if I may say so – so also by the time Lokamanya bade farewell to Mandalay, his days were numbered ‘’ pp. 113-115, [2].

• In December 1925 he wrote an article titled “The Call of The Motherland’’, He wrote there, “There are many who lament that Bengalees have failed to be like the Marwaris and the Bhatias. I, on my part, always pray that may the Bengalees remain forever Bengalees.

Shri Krishna has said in the Gita: “Sadharme Nidhanang Sreya Parodharma Bhayabaha” [সধর্মে নিধনং শ্রেয় পরধর্ম ভয়াবহ]. One should rather die for one’s own Dharma but to change one’s Dharma is frightful. I believe in this saying. For the Bengalees to forsake their Swadharma is tantamount to the sin of suicide. God has not bestowed on us (Bengalis) wealth but he has enriched us with the wealth of life. If we lose our richness of life in the craze for wealth, then we should better forego wealth.” p. 223, [4].

He said in his Presidential Address at the Rangpur Political Conference delivered on 30 March, 1929, “ Truth alone is our ideal and that explains why in spite of many inroads on Bengal in culture, civilization, literature and religion, she always assimilated the truth of the newcomers, keeping her individuality intact all the while. As a result of this thorough ‘revolution’ Vaishnavism has flourished in Bengal. Efforts in this direction are still going on, but to achieve success we must abolish the entire caste system, or convert all castes into one – Sudras or Brahmins. It should now be decided which of these means is to be adopted’’ p. 1, [5].

We now move on to the 1930s and quote from the excerpts from a chapter entitled as “A Dangerous Combination“ from “India and Communism”, a confidential report compiled in the Intelligence Bureau Home Department Government 1933, Revised up to January 1935: “At the beginning of October [1932] there appeared in Calcutta, a document which called itself “The Task Ahead (Manifesto ‘of Hindustan Samyavadi Sanstha)”. Its authorship is variously ascribed to Jibanlal Chattarji, who, it will be remembered, was M. N. Roy’s agent in Bengal for a very short period in 1923, and to Subhas Bose himself. But the preponderance of evidence points to Bose having drafted it himself. It consisted, for the most part, of a lengthy and one-sided recital of the political history of India in its relation to the larger world movement, interspersed with the conclusions which the writer wished to be drawn therefrom. At one stage much was made of the point that “non-violence, as it has been preached by the followers of Tolstoy, has no place in Hindu philosophy, while the teachings of the Gita the central scriptures of the Hindus—are directly opposed to it”; at another of the need “to fight on every front—to attack every weak point of the enemy and always to remember that the enemy’s difficulty should be our opportunity”. The collapse of the Burma rebellion was cited as an illustration of the need for the combination of the peasants and the townsfolk; events in Chittagong of how arms may be captured and of how, if the surrounding population are friendly, it is possible to evade arrest even if the whole countryside is “scoured by the military and the police over and over again”. p. 649, [19]. The manifesto was indeed authored by Bose as he gave a speech with a very similar title, The Anti-Imperialist Struggle and Samyavada, Presidential Address, on 10 June, 1933 at the Third Indian Political Conference, London in Europe. Note how the Manifesto authored by Bose was drawing inspiration from Gita, and felt the need to connect to Indic spirituality, which is the manifestation of an Indic mind, in contrast to how Harkishan Singh Surjeet was attributing Socialism entirely to Russia. Much later, Bose referred to Chittagong rebellion while leading the Azad Hind Fauj. The Communists never drew inspiration from the Chittagong program as they had no role in it.

The same document stated that “The conclusion reached [in the Manifesto ‘of Hindustan Samyavadi Sanstha] in regard to the army that was that, “as in Russia, the rank and file of the Indian section of the army are recruited from the peasantry and, if there is a peasants’ movement in the country, even the hitherto loyal Indian Army may be infected through the mass movement appealing directly to their class interests, and one can expect the Indian troops to sympathize or fraternize with the revolutionary masses…. Eventually would come the final blow to bureaucracy in all its forms—the engagement of the military on all fronts simultaneously and the wrecking ol the civil administration” pp. 649-650, 651, [19]. The genesis of the Indian National Army lay in this thought, though Rashbehari Bose and Mohan Singh and Fujiwara formed it before Bose could get to Japan. Bose did form an Azad Hind unit in Germany independently.

“The Sangha’s programme was nowhere clearly set forth but could be gleaned from certain “conclusion;” which were drawn from time to time. Of thcse two important passages may be quoted: “If the fight for freedom is to succeed certain things have to be done —

(1) the army of occupation must be engaged so that it may not be able to concentrate its forces in one locality;

(2) a section at least of the standing army must be won over to the popular cause;

(3) the fight must be earned on simultaneously in the towns and villages;

(4) the civil administration must be simultaneously undermined and paralysed;

(5) a de facto people’s government must be set up;

(6) last but not least, international recognition must be forthcoming for this defacto people’s government. … ‘’ p. 650, [19].

Note that (2), (5), (6) were implemented by Bose in the far East during 1943-1945. When he formed the Provisional Government of Free India in Singapore in 1943, he insisted on international recognition for the same.

“In his own handwriting, Bose commended this programme…Meanwhile, Samya Sadans (Houses of equality) were to be set up in every district and sub-division. …. ‘’ p. 651, [19]. Notice how the nomenclatures were Indic.

On 12 August, 1936, he wrote to his Secretary Emilie Schenkl from Darjeeling, recommending that she read a German translation of Bhagavad Gita, which he described as “our bible”, if she were interested in Indian philosophy. He said that he could still not grasp the contents in its entirety though he was an Indian and a student of philosophy. He described the most important part as the second chapter, which dealt with Karma Yoga – or ‘worship through work’ (or Union through work) pp. 75-76, [6]. On 24.6.37, in a letter from Dalhousie, he again asked Emilie to read the Bhagavad-Gita in German, and also Garner’s book in English p. 148, [6]. On 5.8.37, in a letter from Dalhousie, he reminded Emilie of studying the Bhagavad Gita in German p. 155, [6]. On 21.6.39, he asked Emilie if she had read the Bhagavad Gita p. 214, [6].

Section D.2: Hindu Bengali public worship

Bose had written about celebration of Hindu religious festivals in Bengal. He was attached to Durga Puja like all Bengalis are, and even organized a public worship of Durga in Bengal.: “From the earliest times the important religious ceremonies have been festivals in which the whole of society participates. Take the Durga Poojah in a village in Bengal. Though the religious part of the Poojah lasts only five days, work in connection with it lasts several weeks. During this period practically every caste or profession in the village is needed for some work or other in connection with the Poojah. Thus, though the Poojah may be performed in one home, the whole village participates in the festivity and also profits financially from it. In my infancy in our village home a drama used to be staged at the end of the Poojah which the whole village would enjoy. During the last fifty years, owing to the gradual impoverishment of the country and migration from the villages, these religious festivals have been considerably reduced and in some cases have ceased altogether. This has affected the circulation of money within the village economy and on the social side has made life dull and drab. There is another form of religious festivity in which the community participates even more directly. In such cases the Poojah is performed not in a home but in some public hall and the expenses are borne not by one family, but by the community. These festivals, called Baroari Poojah (During the last ten years Baroari Poojah has once again become extremely popular in Calcutta. Physical display, exhibitions, etc. are organized in connection with these Poojahs) have also been gradually going out of existence. So in 1917 we decided to organize such a Poojah ‘’ pp. 85-86, [1].

The public worship of Durga (Durga Puja, দূর্গা পূজা) constitutes a persistent theme in his letters:

Between 1912-13, he had written to his mother,

• “This year I have a pang in my heart. It is a great sorrow – not an ordinary one. This year I have been denied the fulfillment that comes through the Darshan [দর্শন] of the Goddess Durga, the Queen of the three realms, our Saviour from all misfortune and Protector from all evil, the Mother of the Universe, – attired in elaborate and magnificent robes and revealed in all Her resplendent glory with myriad lights shinning around her ; this time I have missed the happiness that comes from listening to the melodious chanting of the sacred hymns by our revered priest to the sound of the conch-shell and the gong ; the satisfaction of sensing the sacred aroma of flowers, sandal-wood and incense and of sharing with others the holy food offered to the Goddess ; on this occasion I have been deprived of the privilege of being blessed by the priest with the holy flowers and, above all, of the mental peace that comes from contact with the holy water of the Puja ; I missed everything ; all my five senses remain unsatisfied. If I could perceive the omnipresent and universal image of the Goddess, I would not be so mortified and I would not hanker after the wooden image ; but how many are so blessed and fortunate as to have this perception! So, I remain unconsoled. I shall be pinning away at this place on the immersion day but at heart I shall be with you all. There will be no happiness for me on such a sacred day.” pp. 128-129, [1].
• “I am sorry to hear that Nagen Thakur was not able to perform the Puja this year. Has he recovered completely ? Of all the Pujas I have attended, those conducted by Nagen Thakur and our most revered Gurudev I have found to be the most effective in creating religious fervour. Nagen Thakur’s chanting of the Chandi [চন্ডী] is most moving and even an unbeliever becomes a devotee ‘’ p. 129, [1].

We quote more of his writings on Durga Puja from his letters to his family and friends from Mandalay jail, Burma:

• He wrote to his political mentor C. R. Das’ widow, Basanti Devi, who used to be a mother figure for her, in Bangla on 25.9.1925: “Today is Mahastami. The Divine Mother is being worshipped today in many a Bengali home. We are fortunate enough to have Her in this prison also. This year we shall be worshipping the Goddess here. The Mother probably did not forget us, and so it has been possible to arrange for Her worship even though we are away. She will depart day after tomorrow leaving us in tears. All the light and laughter of the Puja will once again be lost in the darkness and desolation of prison. I do not know how many years will pass like this. But, if the Divine Mother will make her appearance once a year, I expect prison life will not be so unbearable. By the time this letter will reach your hands, Bijoya Dashami will have been over. All of us will send you our respectful pronams on the Bijoya day.” p. 127, [2]. He is referring to Ashtami and Dashami in the Bengali way, and observing the Bengali tradition of paying obeisance to elders on the day of Dashami, which Bengalis refer to as Bijoya Dashami.
• On 26.12.1925, he wrote to his sister-in-law, Bivabati Bose, after observing Durga Puja in Mandalay jail: “ I wonder if I ever felt so happy at any other Puja. The reason why we felt so happy was probably because we earned the right to perform the Puja after a lot of fighting. Who knows how long we shall have to be in prison? But, all our suffering will be bearable if we get the chance of worshipping the Mother once a year. In Durga, we see Mother, Motherland and the Universe all in one. She is at once Mother, Motherland and the Universal spirit.’’, p.170, [2].
• Elaborating further in a letter to his brother, Sarat, a year later on 16.10.1926, he wrote, “It (Durga Puja) is a source of aesthetic enjoyment, intellectual recreation and religious inspiration and affords abiding solace. Today is Bijoya Dasami and throughout Bengal relations, friends and even enemies – children of the same Mother – will be soon embracing one another in fraternal love.’’ p. 84, [3]. Citing this letter, Bose’s biographer, Leonard Gordon has written: “So Durga Puja was the moment in the round of the year when he (Bose) and his Bengali prison-mates felt united with the Bengali people from whom they had been arbitrarily separated.’’ pp. 135-136, [18].

On 9.11.1936, from Darjeeling, he wrote to his former Secretary Emilie Schenkl, “Our greatest religious festival is just over – the Durga Pujah. It is customary to send ‘Bijoya greetings’ to relatives and friends after this festival- the idea being that after the Divine mother has been worshipped – all her children must be united in love. May I therefore send heartiest ‘Bijoya greetings’ to all of you ? ‘’ p.  91, [6].

Worships of Goddesses Saraswati and Kali constitute other commonly observed Hindu public worships in Bengal. On 23.1.1926, he wrote to Sarat from Mandalay jail about celebrating the Saraswati Puja in Mandalay jail and meeting the expenses from the pockets of the political prisoners, provisionally p. 202, [2].

Hindu Bengali public worships, eg, worship of Durga, Saraswati, Kali, Shiva, influenced many of his public moves:

• Tarakeshwar temple is a famous Shiva temple in Bengal with significant amount of property attached to it – this property was dedicated to the deity and was referred to as “Debottar’’ . It was run by a hereditary Mohunt (priest) family. There have been several long-standing grievances of the pilgrims against the Mohunt. Grievances of the pilgrims can be classified into four categories: a) It was alleged that the mohunt was a person of voluptuous character. Even violations of women were alleged against him. b) Treatment of his tenants as a zamindar c) Treatment meted towards pilgrims and exaction of different kinds d) Utter callousness towards the needs of women pilgrims p. 82, [21]. The contemporary “Bengalee’’ newspaper reported, “ Oppression to pilgrims, injustice and extortion, and the sports of Belial are old, old stories at Tarakeswar, and have often been brought to the notice of the wider world … The evil has become strong for resistance, as a large estate has attached to the temple by way of trust properties and the propertied ease of the mohunts has often made them forget the purpose and obligations of the trust.’’ p. 81, [21]. Bhattacharya notes, “For the purpose of redressing these grievances, the Mahabir Dal, an organisation of Sannyasins under the leadership of Swami Viswananda and Swami Satchidananda, came forward. They decided to launch a Satyagraha on the eve of Sivaratri festival in 1924…. In his [Swami Satchidananda] appeal, he put certain proposals before the public and solicited their opinion in this regard. Those proposals were as follows: 1) To set up a trust for all properties by dislodging the mohunt from his gaddi 2) To set up a committee to be composed of persons conversant with the Hindu scriptures and of good moral character for the proper functioning of the temple and other things pertaining thereto. 3) Income derived from the temple’s property should be spent in the following manner: a) 75% of the total income should be spent for the betterment of the temple. Provision must be made, in the first place, to eradicate malaria and to arrange for drinking water, and secondly, to improve the condition of the tenants in such manner as would be laid down by the Ryot Committee to be composed of members taken from among the villagers. b) The remaining 25% should be deposited as reserve fund. 4) Income accruing from the temple should be spent in the following manner. a) 10% should be spent for the development and repairs of the temple building. b) 10% should be given to the Mohunt for his livelihood till his death. c) The remainder should be spent for the offerings and other charitable activities. 5) It was reported that gems and jewels worth lakhs of rupees had been lying with the mohunt. These were to be deposited with the banks or invested somewhere else and the income out of it was to be spent according to the directives of the temple committee. 6) Persons not conversant with the scriptures and of bad moral character should not be appointed as mohunt’’ pp. 83-84, [21]. After this announcement, Swami Satchidananda wrote to the president of the Bengal Pradesh Congress Committee, Chittaranjan Das, seeking permission to start the Satyagraha p. 85, [21]. Chittaranjan das was Bose’s political mentor. On 8 April, 1924, Subhas Chandra Bose, Srish Chatterjee and BPCC President, CR Das, visited the region p. 85, [21]. Subhas Chandra Bose observed, “The people who live at and round about the place will hardly venture to speak out against the Mohunt-Maharaj as they would thereby endanger their life and property. In fact, many residents of the locality and lady-pilgrims, belonging to respectable families of Calcutta and Howrah, in giving evidence before Deshabandhu Das in our presence, enquired whether we would be able to protect them against the agents of Mohunt-Maharaj.’’ p. 85, [21]. Bose asked the progressive section of the Hindu Sabha (Bengal Branch) to take up the matter. He also made it clear that if the Hindu Sabha failed in its duty in this regard, the BPCC would be `reluctantly compelled’ to act as it might think necessary and advisable. p. 85, [21]. C R Das led the rest of the Satyagraha. In a few months Bose was arrested and subsequently deported to Burma and incarecerated at the Mandalay jail there. We have given subsequent details of this Satyagraha in Appendix.
• On 21.9.1925 on behalf of the political prisoners, he invited the Deputy Commissioner, the Burmese Magistrate and the Burmese non-official visitors (eg, Umes Chand Jhaveri) to a tea-Party on the occasion of Durga Puja p. 126, [2].

• In 1925, he wrote from Mandalay jail to the Chief Secretary to the Govt of Bengal that “the Durga Puja which comes off on the 24th September and the following week, is a ceremony which is universally observed by Hindus and particularly by the Hindus of Bengal. It is the most important Puja ceremony in the whole year. The ceremony lasts for five days and the ritual is so elaborate that the puja can be performed only when preparations have been made in advance. …We are told that for the performance of ordinary ceremonies Bengali priests are not available here. The Durga Puja is a much more difficult ceremony. It will therefore be necessary to bring a priest from Bengal. We therefore request that arrangements be made to despatch a priest from Bengal in time” p. 185, [2].
• On 3. 9. 1925, on behalf of the State Prisoners and detenus, he wrote to the Supeintendent, Mandalay Central Jail, objecting to the fact that the Bengal Government has refused to pay for the Durga Puja ceremony observed by the political prisoners: “Mr. Penfold has just communicated to us the news that the Bengal Govt have wished to say that they cannot make any extra grant for the Durga Puja. This creates a serious situation as it is obligatory on us to perform the ceremony. We desire to discuss the matter with you and the D.C. tomorrow morning without fail. We shall therefore feel obliged if you request the D.C. on our behalf to pay us. The matter is so urgent that every day is precious…. We hope that in the meantime the work of image building will not be stopped’’ pp. 117-118, [2]. On 11.9.1925
  he wrote to his sister-in-law Bivabati Bose aboute their struggle in Mandalay Jail against the authorities regarding the observance of Durga Puja, “Arrangements are being made here for Durga Puja.We hope we shall be able to worship the Mother here. But a quarrel is going on with the authorities regarding the expenses ; let us see what happens. Please do not forget to send Puja clothing here – we have to spend Bijoya Dashami here after all’’ p. 121, [2].
• Finally, through a hunger-strike, under his leadership the political prisoners at Mandalay jail forced the Government to concede to their demand of providing an allowance for observing Durga Puja. In 1925 he wrote to Anil Chandra Biswas, “You may have heard already that our hungerstrike was not altogether meaningless or fruitless. Government have been forced to concede our demands relating to religious matters and henceforward a Bengal State Prisoner will get an annual allowance of thirty rupees on account of Puja expenses. Thirty rupees are an insignificant amount and will not meet our expenses, but our principal gain is that the government have now accepted the principle which they refused to do so long – the question of money has been in all ages and all climes a most unimportant one. Apart from our Puja demands, the government has also met many of our other demands. However, speaking in the Vaishnavic spirit I have to say, “All this is merely the exterior.” That is to say, the biggest gain of hungerstrike is inner fulfillment and bliss – the question of fulfillment of demands is an external question and a matter of the material world. Without suffering man can never realise his oneness with his spiritual ideal and unless he is put to the test, he can never be sure and certain of the limitless power that he possess inside himself. Thanks to this experience I have come to know myself much better and my self-confidence has increased manifold’’ p. 178, [2].
• In 1925 he took issue with the Superintendent at Mandalay Jail, about the authorities not compensating the image-maker for the public worship by the political prisoners, which would create complications in observing such worships in future, “I desire to bring to your notice the fact that in connection with the Puja ceremony recently held inside the Jail, the bill of the image maker has not yet been paid. …. The object of holding up payment can only be a two-fold one. In the first place, the image maker will be subjected to unnecessary harassment after he has completed his work and the ceremony is over. Secondly, the image maker will get the idea that we are responsible for holding up payment and his services will not be available to us on a future occasion. It is, however, clear that owing to delay in making payment on the part of your office we shall be penalized in the long run. We may have to stay in Mandalay for an indefinite period. If therefore the services of these people be not available on the occasion of religious festivals, friction with the jail authorities will inevitably result’’ pp. 194-195, [2].
• On 2.2.1926, from Mandalay jail he wrote to the Chief Secretary to the Govt of Burma about sanctioning the expenses for celebrating the Saraswati Puja, the Holi and Dol Purnima, and the Durga Puja in Mandalay Jail p. 207, [2]. On 6.2.1926, he wrote to Sarat referring only to Saraswati Puja, Dol Purnima and Durga Puja. He wrote that the political prisoners had observed Saraswati Puja using their meagre allowances, and asked that the jail authorities compensate them: “We have performed the Saraswati Puja and have advanced money for the expenses from our own purse for the present. We have made a representation to Govt. asking for a grant which will enable us to recoup the expenditure and have also asked for a grant for the Dol Purnima Festival which is at hand. The accounts of the Durga Puja have not yet been squared up and Government want us to refund Rs. 560 from our own allowance” p. 210, [2].
• In 1926 under his leadership the political prisoners at Mandalay conducted a hunger-strike from 18 February to 4 March, owing to grievances regarding religious observances and other matters pp. 228-231, [2]. . On 18.2.1926 he communicated to the Governor General in Council, Delhi and to the Governor of Bengal in Council, Calcutta, on behalf of state prisoners and detenus of Mandalay jail, “All representations having failed we have been forced to commence hunger-strike today owing to grievances regarding religious observances and other matters” pp. 228-229, [2]. On 8 March, 1926, he wrote to his father, Janakinath Bose, that they broke fast on 4 March, 1926 p. 246, [2].
  
  
  
  
• Leonard Gordon has written, “Bose also became involved around this time (1928-1929) in a big flap at City  College, one of Bengal’s famous colleges and a Brahmo institution. The students there wanted to hold a puja ceremony. The authorities of the college were against it. Although he tried to serve as a mediator, Subhas came down in support of the students and found himself opposed by the college officials, the parents of the students and even the venerable Rabindranath Tagore. For his troubles, Subhas Bose was barred from visiting this college until the students insisted years later that the president of the Indian National Congress could not be persona non grata.’’ p. 193, [18]. On 2 March 1928, Bose spoke on City College Scandal protest meeting, “The present movement launched on by the students of City College as sequel to the arbitrary action of the college authorities in riding rough shod over the religious susceptibilities of the Hindu students has my warm and unstinted support….I am reluctant to thrust my religious conviction on other Hindus as we are tolerant to a great degree and this toleration has not unoften its’ tendency towards inaction and inertness. It passes my comprehension how the Brahman gentlemen of light and leading could stoop so low as to force on the Hindu students their own religious faith ‘’ p. 241, [4].
• Throughout the British regime, Hindus were often denied permission to play music in proximity of mosques even during Hindu festivals. In late 1920s Satindra Nath Sen led the Patuakhali Satyagraha in Barisal, Bengal, which was based on the demand of Hindus to be allowed to play music before mosques. We quote the Calcutta High Court judgment on Satindra Nath Sen And Ors. vs Emperor on 14 July, 1930: “The appellants are said to have associated together in what is known as the Satyagraha movement which started at Patuakhali in the Backergunje District in 1926 in connexion with a dispute between the Hindus and Mahomedans because the latter objected to Hindu processions with music passing a certain mosque. The authorities intervened and, in order to prevent breaches of the peace, such processions were prohibited. The members of this movement defied the law and a number of them were sentenced to terms of imprisonment.’’ [20]. On 7 July 1928, Government of Bengal withdrew the charges, possibly under public pressure, but rearrested Sen again in March 1929. Subsequently, throughout 1929, Subhas Bose campaigned vociferously against the Government of Bengal’s unfair treatment of Satindra Nath Sen of Barisal, and demanded national support – in Gordon’s view this was notwithstanding the fact that it appeared to be a narrow Hindu issue for the appeasement politics that was in full swing even then pp. 200-201 [18].

• While incarcerated, he often utilized occasions of Hindu Bengali worships to connect with fellow revolutionaries in jail and assist them. In 1930 Kalipada Chakraborti of Chattogram was arrested for assassinating inspector Tarini Mukherjee, mistaking him for Inspector General Craig. In early 1931 he was in the same jail as Subhas Chandra Bose. Kalipada Chakraborti has recalled how Subhas Chandra Bose connected with him on the occasion of Saraswati Puja in the jail, “The case [trial of Kalipada Chakraborti] continued. One day on the occasion of Saraswati Puja the political prisoners were celebrating in the 2nd Ward. Around 5 pm the Irish jailor took us (fellow revolutionary Ramakrishna Biswas and him) to the 2nd Ward or the special ward. As soon as we went there around 30-40 political prisoners assembled around us. There was conversation. We had food. Calling us aside Subhas Babu asked us if we wanted to go to High Court. If necessary that should be done. He said some other things too. All that I can not remember now. But I remember this much that he had realized that  we probably would not have any respite from the gallows. Later we got to know that on the pretext of the Puja he persuaded the jailor to get an opportunity to talk to us. His sympathetic conversation, genuine friendly behavior is unforgettable. He received us as his own. Because he was a true patriot, he respected our patriotism. We could not but be touched” p. 122, [17]. Subhas Chandra Bose had appointed the two barristers, Meghnath Mitra and B. C. Chowdhury, who defended Kalipada and Ramkrishna in court p. 121, [17].  
  
  
  
  
  
• While incarcerated at the Presidency Jail in 1940, demanding that Hindu prisoners be allowed to perform the Durga Puja exactly as prescribed by Hindu religious practices and at the time required by astronomical calculations, he wrote to the Superintendent of the Presidency Jail, on 20.9.40, “…The following points regarding the Durga Puja have to be noted:

(1) It is the great national festival among Hindus in this part of the country.

(2) It is a congregational worship. Hence it is called not merely `Puja’ but `Utsav’ also. 

(3) Three priests are necessary for Durga Puja – including `Chandi Path’ the recital of Chandi. It is physically impossible to do with less than two – and that is possible only by saddling one of the priests with `Chandi Path’, which they often refuse as involving too much strain.

(4)The hours of Puja are fixed by astronomical calculations.For instance, the most important ceremony is `Sandhi Puja’ which is held on the 8th day of the moon – and the Puja hour is often late at night (I do not know yet what the hours for `Sandhi Puja’ are this year).

Durga Puja in Jail will consequently be possible only if the following extra concessions are being allowed:

(1) Since Durga Puja is congregational in character all Hindu prisoners who are so desirous should be permitted to participate….. there is no reason why all Hindu political prisoners should not be allowed to participate.

(2) At least two priests should be allowed.

(3) They should be allowed to perform the ceremony in the hours fixed by astronomical calculations, whatever those hours may be.

(4) Minimum music should be allowed. Music is essential for `Arati’ ceremony in particular.  (The question of Puja allowance should be considered along with the general question of our status which is under consideration).

If these concessions are not allowed it will mean virtually that Govt. do not allow Durga Puja in Jail. This will be an unjustifiable cancellation of the concessions we gained after considerable suffering in Jail in the fifteen-day hunger strike in 1926. It will mean, further, that concessions allowed by the bureaucratic regime are being withdrawn by the popular ministry’’ pp. 182-183, [9].

• Years later, when Bose was illegally incarcerated, in Presidency jail, he announced a fast unto death in protest. He announced it on the sacred day of Kali puja (30.9.1940) to affirm his faith. He wrote to the Superintendent of Prison: “I repeat that this letter, written on the sacred day of Kali Puja, should not be treated as a threat or ultimatum. It is merely an affirmation of one’s faith, written in all humility.’’ pp. 187-189, [9].

After the demise of Janaki Nath Bose in 1934, the Boses followed orthodox Hindu customs during the subsequent one month mourning period, under the guidance of their family priests, Asoknath Bhattacharya and Gauri Nath Sastri, who were both from Brahmin priestly families. Sastri conducted prayers at their Elgin Road House every afternoon. Subhas shaved his head like other brothers, when Sastri advised him that Sastras mandate so, though some skipped the ritual at that time. During the mourning period, all the brothers slept in one room, on straw covered with blankets. They wore simple short dhotis wrapped around their bodies, as sewn garments were not to be worn during the mourning period. They did not wear shoes, did not comb their hair, wore a thread tied around their neck with an iron key suspended from it, the last was meant to keep evil spirits away. They consumed only fruits, milk and boiled vegetarian food, cooked by the women of the family. The female relatives all slept together in a room apart from the one in which the brothers slept. Gauri Nath Sastri allowed outsiders to attend the shraddha ceremonies. Thus Subhas invited his friends from other communities, and exchanged messages with them throughout the seven-hour ceremony, while sitting piously next to the priest pp. 290-291, [18].

Section E: Miscellaneous Hindu thoughts recurring through correspondences and speeches

Bose used to frequently quote Vedas and Hindu theology, Indian landscape in his conversations. He told Dilip Kumar Roy, “The eater himself is eaten, you know, as our Vedas say” p. 122, [12].

We quote from his letters, articles and notebook written in Mandalay jail, Burma:

• On 11.9.1925, he wrote to his sister-in-law Bivabati Bose, “That you found my letter entertaining made me happy – because I feel concerned from time to time lest I should lose all sense of humour as a result of prolonged imprisonment. The Shastras say : “Raso bai sah “, that is to say, God is but all pervading delight. So, one who has lost his sense of humour, he has undoubtedly lost the cream of life – Ananda, or bliss ; his life then become worthless, devoid of happiness and full of misery. If my letters make you happy I shall take it that I have not lost the power to bring happiness to others’’ p. 118, [2]. In the same letter, he quoted a colourful analogy from the Shastras, “..as the Shastras say – when honey is scarce, one should use molasses instead,…’’ p. 121. [2].
• On 24.12.1925, he asked his Odiya friend Gopabandhu Das, “Please let me know if there are any books dealing with the lives of Oriya saints and sadhus and their methods of “Sadhana” ‘’ p. 177, [2].
• He wanted to make arrangements for cremation of Hindu convicts who passed away in jails. In 1925 he wrote to Anil Chandra Biswas, “There are two jails in Calcutta- the Presidency and the Alipore Central. When a Hindu convict having no relations in Calcutta dies, he is not properly cremated, arrangements have to be made to get him cremated on payment by somebody of the sweeper class. On the other hand, Muslims have their Burial Association and as soon as they are informed of the death of any Muslim convict, they arrange for his proper burial. There should be a similar organisation for Hindu convicts. Can the Sevak Samity take charge of this work ? If you agree you may get Basanta Babu to write to the Jail Superintendent to say that the Samity is prepared to take charge of this work. Even if you are not able to arrange for this just at present, I shall try to have this done when I am free. I have taken part in many cremations in case where there was dearth of people; so, I shall myself be prepared to act as a volunteer in such work’’ p. 182, [2].
• On 9.5.1926, he wrote in his prison notebook , “ In the continent of Africa only two religions are preached at present – Christianity and Islam. Why should Hinduism not be preached there ? Sister Nivedita maintained that Hinduism must be aggressive. Swami Vivekananda was of the same opinion and with this idea he preached religion in Europe and America. If Hinduism is preached in Europe or America then they might change their views about the Hindus – Indian philosophy might influence Western philosophy- and the glory and prestige of Indians might go up. But people over there will never adopt Hinduism. On the other hand if Hinduism is preached amongst the Africans, they may adopt Hinduism. And if they adopt Hinduism they will do so in thousands. The question may arise : what do we gain from this ? ….what is gained by preaching the truth is always there….by being aggressive Hinduism will acquire further strength and as a result of being preached in a different country will be compelled to shed many of its prejudices and dogmatism. India will attain a higher place in the comity of nations. If two hundred lakhs of Africans embrace Hinduism then undoubtedly the influence of the Hindus and of India will be quite powerful in Africa. If India wants to be a world power then the preaching of Hinduism will facilitate the process. Barring countries where Islam is the predominant religion, it is India that has preached religion and brought civilization everywhere in Asia – why should it be different in the case of Africa ?’’ pp. 8-9, [4].

Upon his release from Mandalay jail, he wrote in Bangla to Bivabati Bose from Shillong in 1927: “Please get all the children to read Kashiramdas’s Mahabharata and Krittibas’s Ramayana….The more I grow up the more I realise that the Mahabharata and the Ramayana provide the fundamental basis of our civilization. It is a pity that I never read the Mahabharata and the Ramayana well and from end to end” p. 253, [3].

We come to his letters in the 1930s:

• In the mid 1930s, his Jewish friend in Europe, Mrs. Kurti, wanted to know more about India – Indian thought and philosophy. He told her, “Certainly, Mrs. Kurti. Read all you can by Gandhi. Then read the works by Ramakrishna and Vivekananda. By all means read the Gita and the Upanishads. Read the works by Radhakrishnan. And then let me know what you think of them” p. 43, [16]. Bose told Mrs. Kurti the following about Yoga, “Yoga is one of the darsanas, or orthodox systems of Hindu philosophy. It probably was formulated by Patanjali who is said it have lived about 300 A.D. It is a branch of the Sankhya system, but it includes also another principle : Isvara, the Lord, the Universal Soul. The sacred syllable Om is one of his appellations. Now, the aim of Yoga is the complete union with the Supreme Spirit, regarded as perfect, eternal and omniscient, and not subject to Karma. The union may be achieved by the suppression of all activity and is supplemented by meditation and concentration. There are eight ways to achieve such a goal. To name only some of them : special postures, breathing in a particular way, holding the breath, profound meditation that resolves itself into profound trance – the union with the Great Universal Soul. All this is naturally based on a certain conduct and an earnest and restrained way of life.” p. 44, [16].
• On 30.3.1936, he wrote from Conte Verde to his Secretary Emilie Schenkl, “For your life, never pray for any selfish object or aim. Always pray for what is good for humanity – for what is good for all time – for what is good in the eyes of God. Pray in a nishkama (he wrote this word in Bangla) way” p. 56, [6].

Leonard Gordon notes, “In most of Bose’s speeches there is a religious sub-text, i.e., there are direct and indirect references to Hindu religious concepts relevant, in his view, to political activism ‘’ p. 677, [18].

• He said in his Presidential Address at the Rangpur Political Conference delivered on 30 March, 1929, “ But a reaction set in for a time which received a rude shock as Bengal came in contact with Western civilization. True to her characteristics, Bengal woke up to make her contribution in the new movement inaugurated by Raja Ram Mohan Roy. The birth of the Brahmo cult saved Bengal from the attack made on her by the Christian missionaries. The unfinished work of the Raja found an impetus when Ramakrishna Paramhamsa and Swami Vivekananda came into the field towards the end of the 19th century.’’ p. 2, [5].

• On 19 October, 1929, he spoke at the Lahore session of the Punjabi Students’ Conference. He described Lahore as the “tapasyakshetra”, “the place of penance of this modern ‘Dadhichi’ (Jatindra Nath Das).’’ p. 44, [5],
• On 29 November 1929, in his Speech as President of the first C.P. Youth Conference, Nagpur, he said, “ But human nature is at bottom divine. The day of misunderstanding, abuse and persecution, however long it may be, will therefore have its end. Even if we have to meet death for the sake of our sincerest convictions, we shall through death attain immortality. Let us therefore be ready for any emergency. The rose is thrice beautiful because of its thorns and so is human life. Would not life be stale and insipid without sacrifice, suffering and persecution? ‘’ p. 65, [5], and “We have all been born slaves but let us all resolve to die as free men. And if we are not to see India free in our own life time let us at least die in the attempt to free India ….The path to freedom is a thorny path – but is also the path to immortality. To this noble path I invite you – my sisters and brothers of the Central Provinces.’’ p. 68, [5].
• On 1 December, 1929, he said in his Presidential address at the C.P. and Berar Students’ Conference, “ Except those whose moral sense is altogether dead, every human being is bound to feel, more or less, the pants of slavery and the humiliation of servitude….The psychological aspect of “tapasya’’ in the cause of our country’s salvation consists in making our mind more and more sensitive to national humiliation and racial discrimination and in intensifying our desire for freedom…..When this transformation [into those for whom only freedom count], we shall be reborn; we shall be “dwijas” in the real sense of the term ‘’ p. 84, [5].
• On 11 September 1942 he delivered a speech on the occasion of the foundation of the Indo-German Society in Hamburg. He spoke, “When the British succeeded in dominating our country, they tried their level best to paint everything Indian as of inferior quality. At that psychological moment, when India needed some moral help, German scholars, thinkers and savants discovered India and Indian culture. This is a fact which we can never forget, and it is this cultural bond, devoid of all selfish and material interest, which has remained the basis of German-Indian relations up to the present day. Some of the foremost poets and thinkers of Germany, like Goethe, Schopenhauer, Ruckert and Schlegel, were the first Europeans to express their appreciation of Indian culture. Schopenhauer expressed his admiration of Indian philosophy as embodied in the Upanishads and in Buddhism- while Goethe gave utterance to his enthusiasm for Indian literature and drama. Goethe wrote for instance:

Would’st thou the young year’s blossoms

and the fruits of its decline.

And all by which the soul is charmed,

enraptured, feasted, fed?

Would’st thou the earth and heaven itself

In thine sole name combine ?

I name thee, O Sakuntala,

And all at once is said.

The work begun by Goethe, Schopenhauer, Schlegel and others, was continued by a host of scholars and writers, including Max Muller and Deussen, who developed the German-Indian relations still further. A number of German scholars also went to India and made social contacts with the Indian people and particularly with the intellectual classes in India. Thus, by 1914, when the last war broke out, the cultural relations between Germany and India were intimate and profound ‘’ p. 158, [10].

• On 26 January, 1943, he delivered the Independence Day address in Berlin. He said there, “To us [Indians], life is one long unending wave. It is God manifesting himself in the infinite variety of creation. It is ‘Leela’ – an eternal play of forces. In this cosmic interplay of forces – there is not only sunshine, but there is also darkness. There is not only joy, but there is also sorrow. There is not only a rise, but there is also a fall. If we do not lose faith in ourselves and in our divinity – we shall move on through darkness, sorrow and degradation towards renewed sunshine, joy and progress. Ladies and Gentleman ! I apologize to you for digressing into the domain of philosophy. But if you want to understand India, you will have to understand the soul of India – the eternal faith which keeps us alive and youthful till today – the inner strength which makes us look forward to a new chapter in our history of freedom, progress and prosperity. It is difficult to understand such things in a land where Locke and Hume, Mill and Spencer represent the greatest philosophers. But in the land of Kant and Hegel, Goethe and Schopenhauer, Schlegel and Ruckert, Max Muller and Deussen – India is understood and will be understood ‘’ p. 184, [10]. So he sees the soul of India in the Hindu philosophy.
• On 24 June 1943, he said in a broadcast from Tokyo, “There is an old saying in Sanskrit which you all know – Atmawath Manyate Jagath – which means that a man would judge the world according to his own nature”. p. 31, [11].

He objected to British propaganda against Indians in general and Hindus in particular. Between 1933-37, he wrote an article titled India Abroad, in which he wrote, “missionaries and other ‘civilizing agencies’ are not inactive. For several decades they have painted India as a land where widows are burnt, girls are married at the age of 5 or 6 and people are virtually unacquainted with the art of dressing. I remember vividly when I was in England in 1920, I was one day passing a lecture-hall in front of which there was a pictorial advertisement of a lecture to be delivered by a missionary about India. In that advertisement, there were pictures of some half-naked men and women of the blackest complexion, possessing the ugliest features. Ostensibly the lecturer wanted to raise funds for his ‘civilizing’ work in India and was therefore painting India in this light, without the slightest compunction. Towards the end of 1933, a German journalist who claimed to have visited India recently, wrote in a Munich paper that she had seen widows being burnt in India and dead bodies lying uncared for in the streets of Bombay. Recently in a Vienna pictorial paper (Wiener Bilder, dated the 30th June) a picture of a dead body covered with insects was painted and there was a footnote saying that it was the corpse of a ‘Sadhu’ which could not be removed for several days because of a Hindu belief that the dead body of a ‘Sadhu’ should not be removed by ordinary men. What surprises me is the careful selection of pictures about India made by propagandists in Europe with a view to depicting India in the worst colours possible. This is as much true of pictorial magazines as of films. …If this sort of propaganda goes on in other countries, is it to be wondered at that Indians should be called ‘Blackie’ – as it happens sometimes in England – or as ‘Neger’ (negro- as is the experience sometimes in Germany)? ‘’ pp. 358-359, [7]. His objection to propaganda utilizing Sati did not conflict with his utmost reverence for Rammohan Roy, who was instrumental in banning the practice.

He took strong exceptions to fraudulent Hindu monks who did disservice to Hinduism while donning the saffron robe. On 12.11.1935, he wrote to Santosh Kumar Basu, about a Swami Bon: “He went to England to preach Hindu religion, being armed with letters of certificate from Lord Willingdon and high officials in India. He received a cordial welcome at the India office and for some time moved about in the company of die-hards. I think he ultimately formed a committee to preach the Vaisnava religion with Lord Zetland as the Chairman. From the official circles in London he had the fullest sympathy and support, and the reason is not far to seek. A friend of his told me that when he was invited to a garden party in Buckingham Palace he assured His Majesty, King George V, that millions of his followers were loyal to the British Raj. The friend advised him not to tell the story to any Indian as it would certainly not be appreciated by them. When this new Messiah had conquered Great Britain for the Vaisnava religion he sallied forth on a continental tour because nothing less than conquest of the whole world would satisfy him. And is he not greater than Vivekananda? I was at Munich the other day and was told by Indians there what a poor impression he had made. The Indian Institute of the Deutsche Akademie who had arranged the lecture will certainly not do it again. Some inspired statements were published in the Indian papers to the effect that Hitler wanted to consult him on the question of cultural intercourse between Germany and the East. There was no truth in the above statements and the German authorities were therefore very much annoyed at the publication. In fact, some Indians told me that owing to his tactless procedure, it will be difficult for any Indian to do religious preaching in Germany in the future. And apart from this, Germany is the last country in the world where Vaisnavism could make an appeal. Nazi Germany today believes only in force and looks down with contempt on enslaved nations like the Indians.

The Swami came to Vienna to preach his message. His meeting was attended by the British Ambassador- a very unusual procedure for a British diplomat – which further proved that even on the Continent he was being chaperoned by British diplomats. What I cannot understand for the life of me is why a Hindu Swami who has given up the world should go about preaching religion under the benign patronage of the British. If he has any message to preach, why cannot he do so in the manner in which Vivekananda did ? You must have read in the Prabashi about his speech at a London meeting supporting the new constitution. The editor’s comments thereon are fully justified. It appears therefrom that he is a political sanyasi, though his politics is loyalism. ….

God help India and the Hindu religion if he is going to open a centre in London with the contribution of the Maharaja of Tripura. If you want to hold up Hindu religion to ridicule in the eyes of the West you cannot do better than to send out His Holiness, the Swami Bon as our religious Ambassador’’ pp. 115-117, [7].

He also wanted Hindu organizations like Hindu Mahasabha to represent the views of Hindus of all provinces. On 1st January 1928 he said in an interview to a representative of Forward on a statement by Hindu Mahasabha President Dr. Moorji, “In considering the general opinion of the All-India Hindu Mahasabha, the opinion of the Bengal Hindu Sabha should not be a negligent factor. In view of the population of Hindus in Bengal and the unique part they have played not only in the struggle for India’s freedom, but also in the revival of Hinduism since 1857 – the opinion of Hindu Bengal should be treated with greater consideration than has hitherto been done. India is a huge country extending from the Himalayas to Cape Comorin and I strongly object to the prevailing practice of passing on as the opinion of Hindu India what can at best be the opinion of Hindus in a few provinces. I have heard from some important and reliable workers of the Hindu Sabha that of all the provinces in India, the Hindu Mahasabha has done the greater amount of work in Bengal. If this be true, it stands to reason that the Hindu Mahasabha has a very large following in my province. But I know Bengal and I know at least some of the prominent Hindu Sabha workers in Bengal. And, I will tell Dr. Moorji very plainly that at a very modest computation at least 80% of the workers and the members of the Bengal Hindu Sabhas are nationalist to the core. I am Hindu, and though I do not agree with some aspects of the work which the Hindu Mahasabha is carrying on, I sincerely admire its work in the sphere of social uplift and religious reform ‘’ pp. 235-236, [4].

Conclusion

We have reconstructed the Hindu ethos of Subhas Chandra Bose from his own writings, speeches and actions. For that’s the only honest way to assess the values of an icon, and guilt or credit by association is neither informative nor meaningful and is usually driven by specific agendas. An example of the latter is how the choices of some of his associates in the Indian National Army (INA) post his disappearance are utilized to impute Islamism on him, while omitting contrasting choices of his other associates which were driven by Hindu ideals and Indic nationalism. For example, according to Mahabaleswarappa, a historian in Karnataka, “the Congress leaders of Hyderabad Karnataka region decided, in September 1947, to organise border camps from where armed attacks could be carried out against the Razakars. The nationalist workers were given training by soldiers who belonged to the erstwhile Indian National Army. From here the nationalist soldiers undertook raids against Razakar centres and even ‘liberated’ and took over the administration of some areas (like Ittagi and its neighbouring villages in Yelburgi taluk).’’ [22]. Further, one of his closest associates in the INA, Maj. Gen. A. C. Chatterjee provided vital support to Shyama Prasad Mookerjee to partition Bengal, when it became clear that India would be partitioned, and managed to keep a part of Bengal for the Hindus. To quote p. 14, [23], “In March 1947, Bengali Hindu Members of the Central Assembly adopted a resolution with the support of the N. C. Chatterjee of Hindu Mahasabha and General A. C. Chatterjee of the INA … The conference unanimously passed a resolution that a “separate province must be created comprising the Hindu majority areas in Bengal…” So widespread was the support for Dr. Mookerjee’s scheme of partitioning Bengal that an opinion poll held by the leading daily Amrita Bazar Patrika in April showed that 98.6 per cent voted yea, with only 0.6 per cent favouring a united Bengal. In April, Dr. Mookerjee met the Viceroy Mountbatten and pointed out why the partition of Bengal was necessary. It was thus Dr. Mookerjee’s forceful intervention and leadership that saved a portion of Bengal and saved the historic and strategically important city of Calcutta from going to Muslim League ruled Pakistan. This was, arguably, the greatest achievement of Dr. Syama Prasad Mookerjee’s life.’’

Appendix : Details of Tarakeshwar Satyagraha

We resume our account of Tarakeshwar Satyagraha from Section B.2.4.2. Hindu sabha, burrabazar, set up another enquiry committee consisting of seven persons. Bhattacharya notes that this Committee found that “(i) that pilgrims, traders, shopkeepers and residents of Tarakeswar were subjected to illegal exactions by the agents of the mohunt interfering with the rights of the Hindus to free worship at the shrine, (ii) that there had been a mass of evidence to prove the violation of the chastity of women visiting the shrine and finally, (iii) that women of ill fame numbering between 300 and 400 had been allowed and encouraged to live in Tarakeswar in violation of all principles of decency and morality’’ p. 85, [21].

On 7 April 1924, some volunteers of the Mahabir Dal who went to Tarakeswar for the proposed movement were allegedly assaulted by the agents of mohunt and a fracas ensued. The Mohunt counter-alleged that the local market was looted and a further breach of peace was apprehended. But on inquiry a press representative found that the fracas followed when the mohunt’s agents interfered while Swami Satchidananda with his volunteers was distributing leaflets at the market p. 85, [21]. After some days, word went around that efforts were being made to reach a settlement, which aggrieved the people. Bhattacharya notes, “Swami Viswananda warned everyone against any compromise and made it clear that Mahabir Dal would not be responsible if any loss happened to anybody as a result of this compromise and that it would work as usual for the temple. The rumour of a compromise effected by C. R. Das in exchange for two lakhs of rupees was flatly contradicted by the papers’’ p. 87, [21]. Swami Satchidananda was arrested with two volunteers while distribution of Bhog was going on. A bail was offered for Rs. 500, but was declined by the Swami p. 87, [21]. The mohunt prayed to the government for help, and the government readily intervened under the plea of maintaining law and order p. 88, [21].

Once again, it was rumoured that on May 5, 1924 C. R. Das had sent a telegram to both Swami Satchidananda and to the Manager of mohunt’s estates: “My advice is neither party should be aggressive. I am trying to bring about an amicable settlement of the mohunt’s affairs.’’ The rumour confused the volunteers. To set speculations at rest, Das published the following statement, “I hear from Swami Viswananda that many persons who have given evidence against the mohunt are likely to be oppressed if a settlement is arrived at. There is no cause of any apprehension. I assure everybody that I shall be no party to any settlement which will not protect the people of Tarakeswar, or those who stood by a true religious spirit against the mohunt. The temple and the Debuttor property (property devoted to God) must also be protected.’’ p. 88, [21].

BPCC, on the urging of Mahabir Dal, was scheduled to start a Satyagraha on 20 May, 1924 p. 88, [21]. The mohunt’s men demanded tolls from some people selling vegetables in the market, which they had brought in ox-carts. When the sellers refused, as this type of exaction was resisted by the Mahabir Dal, the thugs hired by the mohunt beat them up and seized the oxen. Swami Satchidananda rushed to the spot, but some Gurkha and up-country mercenaries, hired by the mohunt, began to beat everyone up left and right with their khukris. The mercenaries (ten to twelve Gurkha men) also mercilessly beat up Swami Satchidananda, and bodily carried him off to some unknown place. The mercenaries were prepared to kill Swami Satchidananda, but an up-country Brahmin intervened and saved the life of Swami Satchidananda. The inspector of police, along with two constables, rushed to the spot hearing of this, but even he was chased off by the mercenaries, who attacked him too. Eventually the mercenaries were arrested pp. 89-90, [21].

A certain Subodh Krishna Basu, calling himself the secretary of the Hindu Temple Reform League, sent a telegram to the Governor, Viceroy and Gandhi stating, “After the publication of Deshbandhu Das’s message to adopt Satyagraha, rioting and violence started this morning in Tarakeswar temple. Satyagrahi volunteers rushed to the mohunt’s house resulting in bloodshed assault on police sub-inspector, Swami Abhedananda of Sanatani Hindu Sabha, and Swami Satchidananda of Mahabir Dal. There was looting, stone throwing, shouting Mahatma’s name notwithstanding police remonstrance. Public apprehends repetition of Chaurichaura. Pray immediate intervention and investigation through reliable agency.’’ But, later it became known that the Subodh Krishna Basu was an agent of the mohunt. Makhan Lal Sen of the Ananda Bazar Patrika sent another telegram to Gandhi assuring that everything reported by Basu was a lie and the volunteers and people had been peaceful pp. 90-91, [21].

The district court of Hooghly appointed a Receiver for the temple and the vegetable market, on the appeal of one Rajanlal Sinha Roy p. 91, [21]. The arrival of the Receiver, Shyama Charan Ukil Banerjee, was hugely protested by the people who wanted a public committee to take charge of the temple p. 92, [21]. C. R. Das persuaded Swami Satchidananda, who was tired with the whole affair, not to resign but to take charge of the movement p. 94, [21]. After visiting Tarakeswar again, C. R. Das took up the position against the Receivership of the government and supported the Mahabir Dal for the public committee p. 95, [21]. BPCC of Serajgunj took control of the movement, but only with the specific agreement of Swami Satchidananda p. 95, [21].

On Krishnajanmashtami day, the Lakshmi Narayana bigraha would be carried in a palanquin for everyone to see, but the mohunt’s agents refused to allow this, as they were afraid that the bigraha would not be brought back. This resulted in violence and bloodshed pp. 97-98, [21].

During this drawn out satyagraha, C. R. Das was the subject of vilification, not only by the mohunt’s agents, but also by some leaders of the Satyagrahis. The main allegations were “ (i) that he wanted to create a friction between the landlords and tenants; (ii) that he wanted removal of the permanent settlement; (iii) that he was a Brahmo and wanted to do away with Hindu shrines; (iv) that he wanted to take up these shrines to finance his party and make Tarakeswar the headquarters of the Swarajya party; (v) failing that, he wanted to remove the mohunt ‘’ p. 98, [21].

C.R. Das addressed publicly each accusation: “I do not desire any friction between landlords and tenants. I have opposed the idea of such class war from public platforms. The question of the repeal of Permanent Settlement is an undesirable question to raise and in my opinion whatever steps are taken must be taken after the attainment of self-Government and even then only as a matter of agreement between landlords and tenants. I am not a Brahmo. I am a Hindu and I claim to be sincere. It is absolutely untrue that I want to take up Hindu shrines to finance my party. My point of view is the Hindu point of view. I want the shrines to be purified and reformed. I do not want to remove Mohuntship but to have a devout Mohunt appointed, so that the service in the temple may be properly supervised and income applied to the good of the pilgrims and the locality by establishing such educational and charitable institutions as may be required for the good of the people. In my opinion this is not politics. But if it is so regarded I am not ashamed of it. Nor is it true that I want the Mohuntship to go to some Bengali instead of Hindi-speaking gentleman. I do not wish to interfere in the slightest degree with the traditions of the particular sect to which the Mohunt belongs.’’ pp. 98-99, [21].

Finally, a settlement was proposed by C. R. Das, which allowed the current mohunt, Satish Chandra Giri, to abdicate in favour of Prabhat Chandra Giri and the temple finances to be managed by various public committees. But this was opposed by both Swami Satchidananda and Acharya Prafulla Chandra Roy. Swami Satchidananda had objections to both Prabhat Chandra Giri becoming the mohunt and the fact that public committees had a majority of Swarajya party members, and Acharya Prafulla Chandra Roy on only the latter point pp. 99-100, [21]. However, later on, Swami Satchidananda asked the government to appoint a Receiver to set matters right and facilitate the realisation of land revenues p. 100, [21].

However, the Brahman Sabha entered the scene at this juncture on various technical grounds, and objected to the compromise between the mohunt and C. R. Das. They appealed to the court to appoint a Receiver pp. 101-102, [21]. Gandhi, on a tour in Bengal, told the Satyagrahis that their duty was to hand over the temple to the Receiver p. 102, [21]. The Brahman Sabha had two main objections to the settlement, apart from the composition of the committee. The first was that all the money should be spent on the Deva seva, the second was their objection to the removal of restrictions between touchables and untouchables made possible by the Satyagraha committee. It was they who prayed for receivership and that request was granted by the court pp. 107-108, [21].

References:

[1] `An Indian Pilgrim: An Unfinished Autobiography’, Subhas Chandra Bose, Netaji Collected Works, Volume 1, Edited by Sisir K. Bose and Sugata Bose

[2] In Burmese prisons, Subhas Chandra Bose Correspondence May 1923-July 1926,Netaji Collected Works, Volume 3, Edited by Sisir K. Bose and Sugata Bose

[3] Renunciation and Realization : Correspondence 1926-1932, Netaji Collected Works, Volume 4

[4] The Call of The Motherland: Writings and Speeches 1923–1929, Netaji Collected Works, Volume 5

[5] Subhas Chandra Bose, “Leader of Youth 1929-1932’’, Netaji Collected Works, Volume 6, Edited by Sisir K. Bose and Sugata Bose

[6] Subhas Chandra Bose “Letters to Emilie Schenkl 1934-42’’, Netaji Collected Works, Volume 7

[7] Subhas Chandra Bose, India’s Spokesman Abroad, Netaji Collected Works, Volume 8, Letters, Articles, Speeches and Statements, 1933-1937, Edited by Sisir K. Bose and Sugata Bose

[8] Subhas Chandra Bose, “Congress President Speeches, Articles and Letters, January 1938-May 1939’’, Netaji Collected Works, Volume 9, Edited by Sisir K. Bose and Sugata Bose

[9] `The Alternative Leadership, Speeches, Articles, Statements and Letters’, June 1939-1941 Subhas Chandra Bose, Netaji Collected Works, Volume 10, Edited by Sisir K. Bose and Sugata Bose

[10] Subhas Chandra Bose, “Azad Hind, Writings and Speeches, 1941-May 1943’’, Netaji Collected Works, Volume 11, Edited by Sisir K. Bose and Sugata Bose

[11] Subhas Chandra Bose, “Writings and Speeches, Chalo Delhi, 1943-1945’’, Netaji Collected Works: Volume 12, Edited by Sisisr K. Bose and Sugata Bose

[12] Dilip Roy, “Netaji – the Man Reminisces’’

[13] Sabitri Prasanna Chatterji, “Subhaschamdra O Netaji Subhaschandra’’

[14] Girija K. Mookerjee, “Subhas Chandra Bose’’

[15] Ashok Bose, “My uncle Netaji’’

[16] Kitti Kurti, “Subhas Chandra Bose as I knew him’’

[17] Kalipada Chakrabarti, “ The Chattogram of Agnijug and Andaman Memoirs’’

[18] Leonard Gordon, “Brothers against the Raj’’

[19] Documents of the Communist Movement in India, Volume III, 1929-1938, Edited by G. Adhikari

[20] http://indiankanoon.org/doc/550445/

[21] Bhattacharya, “Satyagrahas in Bengal’’

[22] Parvathi Menon, “Falsifying History’’, https://frontline.thehindu.com/other/article30248304.ece

[23] Pt. Deen Dayal Upadhyaya Prashikshan Abhiyan,“Shyama Prasad Mookerjee – a very short life sketch’’